South African Singer Deported from Uganda

South Africans expressed outrage Wednesday after Ugandan authorities deported legendary musician Yvonne Chaka Chaka hours before her scheduled New Year concert in the capital Kampala.

Observes say Chaka Chaka was deported because she recently praised Ugandan pop-star-turned opposition politician, Robert Kyagulanyi — also known as Bobi Wine — who has become a challenger of Uganda’s 33-year President Yoweri Museveni.

“Museveni must never treat Uganda as his private property. The deportation of one of Africa’s prominent cultural icon must indicate that the Ugandan regime is making an application for continental & international isolation #MuseveniMustFall,’’ Mbuyiseni Ndlozi, spokesman of South Africa’s opposition Economic Freedom Fighters Party (EFF), said in a statement.

Ugandan police spokesman Fred Enanga said Tuesday evening Chaka Chaka had entered the country on an ordinary visitor’s visa and could not be allowed to perform as she was required to obtain a special working visa. She was therefore deported, he said.

“So taking a photo with Bob Wine now amount to a deportation for a South African and could that have gotten the same action had it being with Museveni,” a Twitter user said.

‘‘This is what we have been saying about @KagutaMuseveni, he thinks he owns Uganda, just like Mugabe [former Zimbabwean president], Gaddafi [former Libyan leader], dos Santos [former President of Angola], and all the ruthless senile dictators in the continent #MuseveniMustFall,” another user with the handle @wills071 tweeted.

Chaka Chaka, born in 1965 is an internationally recognized South Affican singer, songwriter, actress, entrepreneur, humanitarian and teacher.

She is popularly known as the Princess of Africa, a name she received after a 1990 tour.

Chaka Chaka has been at the forefront of South African popular music for 27 years and has been popular in many African countries for her revolutionary songs that campaigned aganist apartheid.

Kenyan drowns in Swimming pool in Germany.

Someone almost drowned in Swimming pool.

5 Intimate Sex Positions That All Couples Should Incorporate Into Their Routines

There’s no denying the value of sex especially in the modern relationship. Remember that a lot of what makes a strong relationship is intimacy. But what exactly is intimacy? In a nutshell, intimacy is the level of closeness between two human beings. And intimacy can be measured in various forms. Sometimes, it can take the shape of an emotional, psychological, spiritual, or a physical form. And all of these various forms of intimacy play a role in determining how close two people are together. And the closer that two people are in a relationship, the more difficult it will be to divide them especially in times of difficulty and challenge.

That’s why it’s always important for couples to be placing a lot of importance into their levels of intimacy. And this article in particular is going to delve deeper into the idea of physical intimacy in the form of sex. There is no denying that sex is the pinnacle of physical intimacy between two people. When two individuals are having sex, they are as physically connected as they can possibly be. And that’s why you should never be taking sex for granted with your partner. When you are having sex, you always want to maintain presence of mind and heart. You always want to be giving all of yourself to it. You don’t want to be distracted.

You want all of your attention and energy to be going into every move and action that you make when you’re together. You always want to be deliberate. However, there is also no denying that there can be issues with a couple’s sex life. Sometimes, things can get a little repetitive; or on the other end of the spectrum, things can get a little too wild and erratic. You always want to be able to find that middle ground. You want to be able to be spontaneous, but you don’t want to get overboard either. And if you feel like you’re feeling a little lost with regards to your relationship’s sex life, then this article is perfect for you.

Here are just a few examples of some go-to positions that you and your partner can refer to. These are especially great for building physical intimacy between the two of you.

1. The Rocker

This is a great position for the both of you if you want to be looking each other in the eyes as you’re passionately making love to one another. With this position you are also able to kiss each other just to add to the heat and passion of the situation. To get into this position the man has to sit in a comfortable position against a bed rest or with his hands behind him for additional support. The woman then sits on his lap as she’s facing him – and she establishes full control of the situation.

2. The Fallen Angel

To get into this position, the woman is going to have to curl up a little bit on her side with her knees slightly drawn up to her torso. The man is going to situation himself behind her as she cradles her with his body and arms. From this position, the man is free to use his hands to play with her lady parts on the frontal area. It also allows for a couple to be locked in a deep and passionate embrace as the penetration is taking place.

3.The Clower

This is another great and intimate position that a lot of couples should at least try to incorporate into their sexual routines. To achieve this position, the woman has to lie on her back with her legs open to the side and stretched out. The man situates himself between her legs as he faces her with his own legs outstretched as well. He can make use of the walls or the pillows to give him better leverage as he moves into her. He can even lean in to kiss her if he is flexible enough to do so.

4. The Rowboat

This is a fairly simple but very effective position to maximize stimulation and intimacy in the bedroom. It all starts with a man just lying flat on his back as the woman situates herself on top of his pelvic area. As she dips down and allows him to penetrate her, the man should slowly sit up with his knees close to his torso so that he is practically facing his girl in seated position. The woman can also choose to wrap her legs around him for some added stimulation and closeness between the couple.

5. The Peg

For this final position, the man should be lying down with his legs outstretched and then the woman proceeds to lay on him as she’s facing him while he slowly enters her. There’s just something very intimate with having a girl lie down on top of her man.

PUZZLING TALE OF ‘IDENTICAL’ GIRLS REUNITED 19 YEARS LATER

On August 15, 1999, Rosemary Onyango went to Kakamega County Referral Hospital expecting to give birth to triplets.
She would, however, later be told that her caesarean delivery had brought forth twins, whom she named Melon and Mevies Imbaya.
Just two days earlier, another woman, Angeline Omina, had been at the same hospital where she gave birth to a girl whom she named Sharon.
The births that occurred nearly 20 years ago are now the subject of excitement in Furfural village in Likuyani Constituency where two teenagers who believe they could be twin sisters have reunited.
The emotional meeting between Sharon Mathias and Melon Lutenyo has set tongues wagging and two families seeking answers over the unusual event. Sharon is a spitting image of Melon.
The two girls, according to the families who spoke to The Standard yesterday, were born at Kakamega Provincial General Hospital (now Kakamega County Referral Hospital) in 1999.
It is a puzzling tale of Melon raised in Likuyani, Kakamega County, and Sharon in Kangemi, Nairobi

Triplets
Melon and Sharon are Form Four students at Friends Secondary School Kongoni and Shikoti Secondary School respectively. Both schools are in Kakamega County.
Melon’s mother, Rosemary, says she went to the health facility expecting to give birth to triplets on August 15, 1999, but would later be told that she got twins.
The twins were placed in an incubator for about a week due to low birth weight before Rosemary was discharged and returned to Furfural with her babies, Melon and Mevies Imbaya.
Since then, Rosemary admits to having wondered why her twin daughters were not identical.
But matters took a surprising twist last year after Melon suspected she could have another sister after she and her schoolmates went to Shikoti secondary and students there wondered why she looked exactly like their schoolmate Sharon.
“When I went to Shikoti, students confronted me and started laughing. I was so afraid after they told me that I had a sister at their school. I told them I had a sister at Kimosin Girls and not Shikoti,” Melon explained in an interview with The Standard. They, however, did not meet that day.
She said students at Shikoti didn’t believe that she was not Sharon.
In another incident, Melon’s teachers went to Masinde Muliro University of Science and Technology for a motivational talk. The event was also attended by Sharon, and the teachers were shocked to discover Melon’s look-alike.
“My class teacher returned and asked me whether I was a ghost. He said he saw me in Kakamega dressed in Shikoti Secondary School uniform,” Melon said.
Sharon said out of curiosity, she sent Facebook friend request to Melon an

d she accepted it.
“First, I thought someone had hacked my account because she looked exactly like me and even wore clothes similar to mine,” said Sharon

Railas Failed Murder attempt.

Raila’s Escape to Norway in the name of Haji Omar having dropped his previous names of Father Augustine from Machakos Diocese and Wadenya.

Mrs Ling changed Raila beard, fixed him glasses and a wig on his head.

The catholic nun dressed Raila like a priest, gave him glasses, shaved him clean and Raila became a different person.

…
That day a US embassy official, Mr Allan Eastham, told RAILA that they had intelligence indicating that the government was in advance stages of preparing his execution, he told him that the impending arrest was not to be an ordinary arrest but rather an arrest that would cause him bodily harm if not lead to his death, he advised him to be safe and careful.

The police raided his offices at Agip house but missed him since he had gone to Orengo’s office within the same building, a team of Lawyers led by Mrs Karua were called in to witness the siege, this foiled the raid and the police called it a day promising to keep the hunt.

It was at this point that a decision was made to ensure that RAILA ODINGA went underground since the government seemed to be serious about killing him.

After a night in Orengo’s house, Nyong’o, Raila and Orengo felt that the house was also not safe, they had to find a safer place to hide Raila from the state.

They made a decision to take him Dr kituyi house, Nyong’o drove him to his new home, Raila stayed with Dr Kituyi family for a week while the special branch hunted down for him.

On the first night at Kituyi home, the police raided his house in Kileleshwa.

Ida having been used to the battle refused to open the door, insisting that Raila was not at home, she pretended to be searching for the keys while in fact she was calling the press.

She asked the watchman to count the police officers in the compound, when he reached 17, he was beaten to black out.

After a week, the time to move Raila to another location came, the wife of Dr kituyi, Mrs Ling was charged with the responsibility of driving him to the US embassy.

She changed RAILA beards, fixed him with glasses and fixed his head with a wig, she sat with him behind while Dr Kituyi drove with Nyong’o following closely.

The trip to the embassy was successful but they refused to host him for fear of crossing President Moi path.

From the embassy Nyong’o and Muite drove Raila to Loresho where he stayed with Jalang’o Onyango for a week as they crafted the next course of action.

The Catholic church took the issue of Raila a week later, he moved to his sister in law house to meet his children and promised them that he’ll never go back to Detention.

A white American nun and father Opiyo got RAILA out of Nairobi. They dressed Raila as a priest, gave him glasses and shaved his head clean.

Raila became a completely different person after the changes, sitting at the back, Raila read newspapers as they passed the numerous roadblocks mounted on the road by the police.

When they reached the catholic station in Kisumu, they booked RAILA under the name Father Augustine from Machakos, he was later transferred to Rang’ala mission station and was booked under the same name. His father sent a car to pick him.

At 4 pm, Raila Odinga was moved to Olago Beach where he was to be smuggled out of the country through the lake, he boarded the diesel-powered boat and began his voyage to Uganda, they passed by Ndeda Island to pick up some passengers and left for Uganda at 8pm.

After two hours, Hezron Orori, the navigator announced that they were in Uganda, a heavy storm hit the lake later and Orori wife began to shiver, Raila out of humanity lent her his jacket and faced the unforgiving cold himself, Raila turned to a bottle of Vodka given to him by a friend to get some warmth.

He spent the night at Sigulu. With the help of sympathetic Kenyans and Tanzanians living in Uganda, he acquired Ugandan papers, but changed his name to Joseph Ojiwa Wadenya, once in Kampala, he was hosted by one of his friends who worked in his company, the friend reported his arrival to the United Nation High Commission for Refugees, the UNHCR advised Raila to remain underground since the Kenyan government had sent special officers to kidnap him and send him back home.

Efforts by the Kenyan government to recapture him proved futile due to the hostility of the Ugandan government towards Moi regime.

All countries except Norway were willing to host Raila, Norway eventually offered him asylum.

To be moved out of Uganda, Raila had to be disguised once more, Ahmed Sayyid Farah, a Somali national who was the UNHCR country representative in Uganda decided that they were not going to take chances.

Farah got Raila Odinga a kanzu with a fez and a jacket similar to those of Uganda Muslims to wear.

His name was also changed from Wadenya to Haji Omar, going to mecca for pilgrimage, when he reached Oslo not even his blood sisters who waiting for him could recognize him.

The Norwegian government offered him a job, a house and a passport to visit any country except Kenya,

The son of Jaramogi lived to fight another day.

Cancer causing!!! What the Aviation industry is hiding from you.

The best thing it’s to avoid the cause of the problem and many people don’t know that this is happening because the Aviation Industry are hiding for many years under the carpet.

Toxic Syndrome – The Poisoning of Airline Pilots, Cabin Crew and Passengers that is possible in any
air flight.
Over the past few decades there has been a fundamental design fault in the majority of aeroplanes used to
move people around the world. Cabin air is taken from air that is used to cool the engine. This is cheap
because this air has already been warmed and compressed by the jet engines. However it is subject to
CONTAMINATION FROM THE ENGINES particularly if engine design is faulty or if engine seals become worn. Indeed
ALL JET ENGINES LEAK OILS AND FUMES to a certain extent and these chemicals get in to cabin air. Because jet
engines run at such high temperatures, ADDITIVES ARE PUT INTO OIL so they can work better. Therefore
depending on the design, the age and the recent service history of the engine, occupants of any aircraft will be
more or less poisoned by these fumes. It’s not the job of this letter to detail the extent of the poisoning – you
can see that from the following website: http://www.aerotoxic.org

What is the poison?
One of the additives to oil is a chemical called TRI-CRESOL PHOSPHATE T.C.P. This is an ORGANOPHOSPHATE. However it
is not just one organophosphate, it is a series of them from mono-cresol phosphate, di-cresol phosphate, tri-
cresol phosphate, ortho-cresol phosphate and others. These isomers are very much more toxic than the
named parent compound tri-cresol phosphate, furthermore we know that CHEMICALS ARE MUCH MORE TOXIC WHEN GIVEN IN COMBINATION RATHER THAN ISOLATION.
In addition to these organophosphates there will be range of volatile organic compounds that arise as the
result of BURNING PETROCHEMICALS which are likely to be benzene compounds, phenolics, possibly fire
retardants or whatever.
Again because engines wear there are likely to be HEAVY METALS present from the engine itself.
It is also possible that there are NOXIOUS GASES such as carbon monoxide, ozone, sulphur and nitrogen
compounds.
How do I know if I’m being poisoned?
THE SMELL OF THESE CHEMICALS is alikened to that of SWEATY FEET OR OLD TRAINERS . Indeed some of the cabin crew
have commented that when they notice this smell they would walk up and down the aircraft trying to see if
one of the passengers had their shoes off and was emanating this smell.
During the flight one may get direct reactions to these chemicals. Obviously people with multiple chemical sensitivity will react much sooner than people who have not been sensitised to chemicals. The symptoms
will be very similar to the mild acute poisoning that farmers suffer from with sheep-dip ‘flu i.e. a flu-like
illness with a bit of a HEADACHE, NAUSEA, MUSCLE ACHES, maybe IRRITATIONS OF THE AIRWAYS such as conjunctivitis,
rhinitis, sinusitis, pharyngitis and bronchitis, DIFFICULTY THINKING CLEARLY, possibly low grade fever and just
generally feeling ill. All too often these symptoms are ascribed to an infectious cause and people accept this
readily since there are many different people in a tiny space for some length of time where a virus could be
easily picked up.
LONG TERM CHRONIC EFFECTS
These symptoms develop in some susceptible individuals. They can either occur following a single
massive exposure, or after several years of regular sub-lethal exposure to OPs. These symptoms are:

1. Symptoms of CHRONIC FATIGUE syndrome:
Severe, debilitating fatigue which is physical and mental.
– physical – no stamina, loss of muscular strength (episodic blurred vision), sudden “hitting a wall”,
has to rest regularly and pace all activity
– mental – POOR SHORT TERM MEMORY , unable to learn new things, poor concentration, speech difficulty
with POOR WORD FINDING. Long term memory usually fine.
Malaise – sufferers feel ill, “hung over”, “poisoned”.
MUSCLE ACHING – often widespread, flitting from one group of muscles or joints to another, often requiring
painkillers; DEGENERATION OF HANDWRITING.
DRUG INTOLERANCE (such as ALCOHOL, antidepressants)
SLEEP DISTURBANCES

2. Multiple chemical sensitivity. Sufferers
a) BECOME MORE SENSITIVE TO ORGANOPHOSPHATES , which means that they get bigger reactions with smaller doses.
b)BECOME SENSITIVE TO OTHER CHEMICALS . This is called a “spreading phenomenon” and classically
these people START TO REACT TO MANY OTHER CHEMICALS such as diesel fumes, PERFUMES , CIGARETTE SMOKE, ALCOHOL and so on.
c)DEVELOP AN EXQUISITE SENSE OF SMELL – they can smell chemicals long before anybody else – they
are true “canaries”

3. PERSONALITY CHANGE – DESTABILISATION OF MOOD (MOOD SWINGS)
– increased tearfulness, IRRITABILITY AND AGGRESSION
– impulsive SUICIDAL THOUGHTS
– RAGE
An extreme version of these symptoms results in psychiatric disorders including DEPRESSION ANS PSYCHOSIS.
Symptoms which may arise as a combined effect of the above problems include:
Chest pain,
SHORTNESS OF BREATH
Muscle twitching or cramp
Irritable bowel syndrome (abdominal pain, bloating, diarrhoea/constipation etc)
Sweating
POOR BALANCE and DIZZY SPELLS
Numb patches, clumsiness
Tendency to pick up infections
Many other symptoms
Toxic chemicals also ACCELERATE THE NORMAL AGEING PROCESS so that diseases which one might expect in
patients in their eighties one sees in patients in their fifties and sixties.
These diseases include:
Degenerative conditions such as MULTIPLE SCLEROSIS, PARKINSONS’S DISEASE, OSTEOPOROSIS, HEART DISEASE and DEMENTIA,MOTOR NEURONE DISEASE.
• GENETIC AND DNA DAMAGE CAUSING CANCER (and of course birth defects).
• Immune disruption – this can cause ALLERGIES (to foods, inhalants and chemicals), tendency to acquire
infections and difficulty getting rid of infections, autoimmunity.

Abduction, Detainment and Finally Deportation of Self Proclaimed NRM General Miguna Miguna.

Good afternoon, I would like to correct the false assertion attributed to “government sources” that “immigration officers accompanied Miguna all the way to Canada!”

That’s both a blatant lie and a ridiculous claim. Those advancing it might be doing so as a ploy or clever conduit to steal public funds.

The furthest the multitude and heavily armed flying squad and purported immigration officers accompanied me was up to the entrance of the KLM plane to Amsterdam.

The allegation that the heavily armed goons who had abducted, held me in forceful incommunicado detention for five days and subjected me to cruel and inhumane conditions “handed me over to the immigration officers who then deported me” is also materially false and misleading. The flying squad goons were there throughput and held on to me up to the entrance of the KLM plane!

None entered the plane with me!!!

On arrival at Amsterdam, I was met with a security officer at the Schiphol International airport and he took me to immigration where I sat for three to four hours as they investigated the claims by the illegitimate Jubilee government.

However, the Dutch immigration officers soon realized that they had been misled by the illegitimate Kenyan authorities and they let me go.

They laughed off the baseless allegation of me being “an unwanted person in Kenya” and the impression that had been created that I was a member of “an organized criminal gang.”

That’s why I was with Apollo Mboya’s sister-in-law alone when I spoke with him by phone at the Schiphol International Airport.

I intend to sue all responsible parties for breach of privacy rights for unlawfully publishing and disseminating copies of my passports, images and that of protected personal details without my consent; unlawful invasion of my privacy, personal space, sanctity and home; unlawful arrest and detention; torture and cruel, degrading and inhumane treatment; defamation of character, reputation and professional integrity and standing; wanton and willful destruction of personal property; illegal search and seizure; abrogation of numerous constitutional rights, among others.

My advocates have firm instructions to proceed. Thanks.

By- Miguna Miguna

The General Miguna Miguna

I’ve watched that video of Miguna arriving in Canada, Bata sandals on his feet, a plastic bag in his hands and I almost shed tears. But I also watched a handful of people scream with joy on Miguna’s arrival. I heard a Man shout with delight in the packed Airport Lounge “That is our General! Welcome General!” A woman was at the Airport with a bouquet of flowers in hand welcoming the Honourable General.

But what struck me even more profoundly, was the courage and boldness of the General. Detained incommunicado for close to four days, subjected to all forms of physical and emotional torture, kicked out of his motherland like a criminal, the gallant son of Nyando still kept his shoulders high -the true mark of a General.

General Miguna Miguna Arriving in Canada.

I’ll vote for General Miguna any day. As a matter of fact, if he decides to contest for any electoral seat in 2022, I’ll resign from whatever I’ll be doing and volunteer for his campaign. Miguna Miguna encapsulates what I’ve been looking for in Kenyan politics -integrity and social justice. Above all, he is a man of conviction.

In Miguna I see the courage of Patrice Lumumba the martyr of Pan-Africanism who once said that freedom can only be attained at the price of a relentless and sometimes dangerous struggle. In Miguna I see the iconic African revolutionary Thomas Sankara. Just like Sankara, Miguna is a pragmatic visionary and above all, an upright man. In Miguna I see the intellect of Kwameh Nkrumah one of Africa’s leading thinkers even after death.

He is a General!

Innocent Ngare Via The Politician.

Memo to nationalists: You are only tilting at windmills, the bell has already tolled for Kenya

• Two specific facts make fervent Kenyan nationalism ironic, one historic, the other prospective.
• As soon as the Kenyan lot moved into Muthaiga and acquired a settler farm or two, the lofty Pan-Africanist visions vanished.
• One of the most important features of the bureaucratic edifice of the nation-state is raising revenue.

There are few things that offend the sensibilities of nationalists than the suggestion that their beloved nation-states are neither sacrosanct nor immortal, yet this is an incontrovertible fact.

I have been vilified endlessly for igniting the secession debate. It has come as a surprise to many that debating secession does not constitute treason.

As the Court of Appeal pointed out in the Mombasa Republican Council case, the 2010 Constitution anticipates change in the territory of Kenya, which in essence means the country can expand or contract by constitutional

Two specific facts make fervent Kenyan nationalism ironic, one historic, the other prospective. Our fervent nationalists are evidently unaware that the founding fathers envisioned one East African nation. Tanganyika and Uganda delayed their independence waiting for Kenya’s to be negotiated but it dragged on too long on account of the complications of the European settler interests, and the others gave up waiting.

But for this, we would be citizens of the East African Federation, or whatever name would have been chosen for the new nation.

Of course, the federation could have failed as did the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland (present day Zimbabwe, Zambia and Malawi). It is also conceivable that Mwalimu Nyerere, who championed it, would have become its first president and forged a cohesive nation as he did in Tanzania.

SETTLER FARM

As soon as the Kenyan lot moved into Muthaiga and acquired a settler farm or two, the lofty Pan-Africanist visions vanished. The late John Keen was the first political detainee in independent Kenya.

His crime was to agitate for unification. Frustrated by lack of progress he remarked in parliament, that the only way to achieve the union was to overthrow the governments. He was promptly picked up and locked up for nine months.

In November 1999, 22 years after the collapse of the first East African Community, the three countries signed up to a new and more ambitious integration initiative with the stated goal of political union.

In 2004, a special Heads of State Summit set up a committee headed by Amos Wako to recommend ways of fast-tracking political federation. In May this year, the Heads of State Summit adopted a Political Confederation as a transitional model towards full federation.

Our nation-states were not wanted in the first place. Fifty years on, we cannot wait to dissolve them—the challenge is one of how, not whether.

POLITICAL VENOM

By contrast, few ideas generate as much political venom in the EU as the mention of political union. Indeed, Britain’s departure from the EU is underlain in part by suspicion that there is a Franco-German conspiracy for a European superstate. By contrast, the citizens of East Africa, Kenya included have embraced the idea of dissolving their nation-states.

In fact, when the subject comes up, you are more likely invite conversation about who could become the Federation’s first president.

The End of the Nation State is the title of two books both published in 1995 by Japanese scholar Kenichi Ohmae and French Diplomat Jean Marie Guehenno.

“Crisis of the nation-state” features in the title of innumerable learned essays. In “The Global Crisis of the Nation-State” published in Current History, Aviel Roshwald describes the crisis as the nation-state’s “failure to consolidate or maintain national identities that are cohesive yet adaptable, rooted in shared historical memories yet capable of integrating new ones, that helps generate some of the major threats to peace and stability in today’s global environment.” The primary thesis is that the nation-state is not fit for purpose in a post-industrial globalised world.

MODERNISATION

To get to the heart of the problem the go-to thinker has to be Ernest Gellner, arguably the foremost scholar of nationalism. Gellner theorised the nation-states and nationalism are creatures of modernisation. He defines the work of nation-states and nationalism as imposing what he calls a “high” culture, homogenising and controlling agrarian societies in the service of industrialisation and modernisation.

Nationalism, he writes, is: “The general imposition of a high culture on society, where previously low cultures had taken up the lives of the majority, and in some cases the totality, of the population. It means the general diffusion of a school-mediated, academy supervised idiom, codified for the requirements of a reasonably precise bureaucratic and technological communication. It is the establishment of an anonymous impersonal society, with mutually sustainable atomised individuals, held together above all by a shared culture of this kind, in place of the previous complex structure of local groups, sustained by folk cultures reproduced locally and idiosyncratically by the micro-groups themselves.”

HOMOGENISED

The industrialising nation-states overpowered and homogenised complex agrarian tribal societies into urban mass consumerist culture.

The nation-state is now on the receiving end of the same forces. We are seeing nation-states overpowered by transnational corporations, driven to open up markets and subordinate themselves to a plethora of trading blocs and multilateral structures and processes. Even the most powerful nation-states confess to a degree of being powerless against globalisation.

One of the most important features of the bureaucratic edifice of the nation-state is raising revenue.

The giant coffee shop chain Starbucks paid a total of £8.1m tax on £3bn of sales in its first 14 years of operation in the UK, that is a tax rate of 0.3 per cent on sales.

The year after it was called out, Starbucks paid $8.6m in taxes, indicating that it could have avoided over £100m in UK taxes.

The global corporate top dog Apple was recently forced to pay EUR13b back taxes by the EU Commission after its sweetheart tax deal with Ireland was declared illegal by the European Commission.

TAX

The sweetheart deal gave Apple a tax rate of one per cent against a 12.5 per cent. Apple invoiced its sales in the entire EU market in Ireland thereby avoiding paying taxes to the other countries. While erosion of revenue base is a substantial threat it is not a fatal one. Nation-states can ameliorate tax-arbitrage by shifting the tax base from profits to consumption.

The fundamental pillars of the nation-state is people and territory and there is trouble on both fronts. Europe’s population is shrinking, but it’s doing everything it can to keep people out.

This does not make economic sense. European nations will have to choose multiracialism or decline. On the territorial front, Catalonia’s declaration of independence is only one of several self-determination initiatives. Two months ago, Venice and Lombardy, two wealthy regions, conducted non-binding referenda in which the residents voted for more autonomy within the Italian nation-state.

There are between 15 and 20 active separatist movements in Europe. Post industrial Europe is beginning to look like the Holy Roman Empire.

If the nation-state is imperilled in its birth place, what is the future for Africa’s phony nation-states?

COLONIAL BORDERS

Fifty years after the OAU adopted the sanctity of colonial borders, Africa is inching slowly but surely towards the Pan-Africanist vision of a borderless continent. African countries are currently hosting 18 million refugees mostly from just across the border, making nonsense of these borders. This is nothing new. Our pre-colonial history suggests that Africans have always been on the move.

The nation-state has not done much for Africans. To the vast majority of Africans, it is practically useless. To the 18 million refugees and 50 million plus victims of civil wars, it has been worse than useless. The age of industrial powerhouses is now behind us, and so is the economic logic of the nation-state. Globalisation has relegated mass manufacturing to bottom of the economic food chain.

Should Africa industrialise, which is doubtful, it is because no one else wants to do it.

True enough, the East African Federation will be another nation-state. What its citizens will do when it happens is transfer their allegiance from one nation-state to another.

GELLNER THEORIES

It is conceivable that the national borders will remain, but we have to ask what purpose they will continue to serve. Why for instance, should the Maasai people in Kenya and Tanzania continue to be separated by an arbitrary redundant colonial border? Will it not make more sense to establish culturally meaningful sub-national units?

One of contentious aspects of Gellner theories is the question of agency—whether nation-building is a purposeful endeavour or force of circumstance.

Gellner contends that the “founding fathers” are really not fathers at all but unwitting handmaidens of a historical process.

Many scholars even adherents of Gellner are loath to contemplate that their beloved nations and exalted statesmen are unintended consequences of Adam Smith’s invisible hand, fated, as Marx predicted, to wither away.

Watching African demagogues shamelessly stoking tribalism, whipping up nationalist fervour in the same breadth, and swearing by the territorial integrity of nation-states whose sovereignty they have already signed away, as committed to protecting their fiefdoms as they are to abolishing them, one cannot help but be inclined to agree with Gellner.

David Ndii, an economist, is currently serving on the Nasa technical and advisory committee. He leads the Nasa policy team.

Kenya president’s election campaign used firm hired by Trump – privacy group

NAIROBI (Reuters) – In the run-up to Kenya’s August presidential election, the ruling party used divisive social media campaigns created by a U.S. company whose previous clients include President Donald Trump, a Britain-based privacy advocacy group said on Thursday. Two websites – one detailing the accomplishments of President Uhuru Kenyatta and the other attacking opposition leader Raila Odinga – share an IP address with Texas-based Harris Media LLC, according to Privacy International’s report. Privacy International said the company used data analytics to target audiences using information gleaned from social media accounts in Kenya, where 1,200 people were killed in inter-ethnic violence after a disputed election a decade ago. Kenyans vote largely along ethnic lines, and candidates appeal to voters on that basis. “This raises serious concerns about the role and responsibility of companies working for political campaigns in Kenya, in which tribal affiliation and region of origin are particularly politically sensitive data, and volatile ‘coded language’ was widely deployed,” Privacy International said. Social media in the East African nation were flooded with ads linking to the “Real Raila” and “Uhuru for Us” sites in the weeks before the Aug. 26 vote. An official for Kenyatta’s Jubilee Party denied the report, saying it handled all its campaigns locally. The company, U.S.-based Harris Media LLC, did not respond to a request from Reuters for comment on the report. But the allegations by Privacy International recalled how, for the first time in Kenya’s history, social media including fake news, hashtags and trolls dominated the public discussion and stoked tensions in the run-up to the hotly contested presidential election on Aug. 26. Kenyans went to the polls amid concerns over the credibility of the vote and bitter online hate campaigns stoking ethnic tensions, leading to fears of a return to the bloodshed that followed the disputed 2007 vote. The August vote was eventually nullified by the Supreme Court over irregularities. Kenyatta won an October re-run that Odinga boycotted. But violence marred the extended election season, and more than 70 people were killed, mainly by police. Raphael Tuju, Jubilee Party secretary general, denied the party had hired or used Harris Media. “We have heard a lot of those kinds of accusations. We were running a campaign from the Jubilee Headquarters, and we employed local communications experts, led by our own team, and that is it for us,” he told Reuters by phone. Days before the August vote, Facebook released a tool enabling Kenyan users to evaluate content displayed prominently when they log on. The tool contained tips on how to spot fake news, including checking web addresses and looking for other reports on the topic. (Reporting by George Obulutsa; Editing by Maggie Fick and Hugh Lawson

Kenya dances near the brink of dissolution22-Nov-2017

Kenya has arrived at an impasse, and there is no easy way out. Monday’s decision by the Supreme Court, dismissing legal challenges to Uhuru Kenyatta’s re-election, paves the way for the incumbent president to be sworn in next week. Even with the court’s approval, the second term of his presidency will be dogged by a deficit of legitimacy. He will have little hope of reuniting a dangerously polarised nation.

Using brute force to impose authority — which, on recent evidence, is likely to be Mr Kenyatta’s default tactic — will only exacerbate tensions. When his rival, the former prime minister Raila Odinga, was greeted by thousands of supporters on his return from abroad last Friday, members of the security forces set on his convoy with tear gas and water cannons. Policemen oblivious of the cameras were filmed hurling rocks. At least five people died in the melee. The deaths come on the heels of sinister recent killings in the slums.

Mr Odinga appears undeterred. A veteran of the pro-democracy struggle, he thrives on gladiatorial contests. He is determined to sustain his campaign for new elections on the streets, having successfully called a boycott of October’s repeat polls. These were ordered by the Supreme Court after it deemed initial elections to have been marred by “irregularities” and “illegalities”.

To his credit, Mr Odinga has been urging his many supporters to demonstrate peacefully. But there is an ever-present danger that state-sponsored violence will provoke a retaliation that could spiral out of control.

Britain might once have provided effective mediation. But when Boris Johnson, the foreign minister, made an unseemly leap to congratulate Mr Kenyatta in the wake of the Supreme Court’s ruling, he entrenched the opposition’s suspicion that the UK is partisan. The US has been equally clumsy in revealing its support for the status quo.

Yet neither the endorsement of foreign powers, nor the court ruling, will settle doubts about the credibility of an election process that delivered Mr Kenyatta 98 per cent of the vote. The turnout in the re-run was just 38 per cent. Little if anything was done to put safeguards in place to prevent the kind of skulduggery that took place in the initial polls, in August. Mr Odinga’s supporters voted the second time by staying away.

They have good cause to feel that the democratic process has been hijacked. Successive elections since 2007 have been marred by fraud. If public faith in the electoral system was to be restored, it was vital that this time there were no flaws.

Instead, large swaths of the population have been left feeling disenfranchised. If they continue to feel so, they will doubtless find other means to make their voices heard. Already there are signs that a commercial boycott of companies linked to the Kenyatta family is taking hold. More ominously, talk of secession is gathering steam in Mr Odinga’s strongholds in the west of the country.

The risks that this stand-off degenerates into something worse are real. There is no obvious political solution that would halt momentum in the wrong direction. Yet a settlement, that reassures all of Kenya’s ethnic groups that they have an equal political opportunity, and that future elections will be genuinely free and fair, is the only alternative to chaos.

Britain and America may have squandered their neutrality. But all of Africa has an interest in ensuring that east Africa’s pivotal state does not fall apart. The time to step in to prevent disaster is now.

Curtersy of

Financial Times

More amendments needed to the Kenya Citizenship and Immigration Regulations, 2012

By definition, a stateless person is one who is not considered a national by any State under the operation of its law. According to a 2014 Report on “The World’s Stateless” published by the Institute on Statelessness and Inclusion, there are at least 10 million stateless persons around the world, enough to populate a country or two. To have such a great number of people living under such a precarious civil status does not bode well because more often than not, they are kept out of their fundamental human rights and freedoms.

Although human rights are attached to the status of people as human beings and not to their status as citizens, citizenship is indispensable in unlocking those rights. For example, in order to register for the National Hospital Insurance Fund in Kenya, an applicant must have some form of identification such as a national identity card, a birth certificate for minors or a passport for foreigners. Stateless people do not ordinarily possess these identity documents. This effectively denies them their right to health as provided for by Article 43 of the Constitution of Kenya.

In her PhD thesis published in 2008 under the title, “Nationality Matters: Statelessness under International Law”, Professor Laura Van Waas, cites four major causes of statelessness. First, are the technical reasons arising from the complex and conflicting application of the citizenship laws of different countries? For instance, where a child is born in a country whose laws only allow for passing on of citizenship by blood (jus sanguis) but whose parents are citizens of a country which only allows for passing on of citizenship by birth in that country (just soli). Two, state succession can also cause statelessness. In the decolonisation that took place throughout Africa, the African governments that assumed power had to determine who was entitled to citizenship. This did not necessarily coincide with who the former colonial masters’ considered citizens. The Makonde, as explained below, fell through this crack in citizenship laws.

Third, in many instances, the arbitrary deprivation of citizenship can also lead to statelessness. For instance, when relations became sour between Ethiopia and Eritrea in the late 90s, the Ethiopian government confiscated the identity documents of many Ethiopians of Eritrean ethnicity. Fourth, Prof. Van Waas points out new causes of statelessness such as the failure to register children at birth. When you have no documentation to prove where or when you were born, the likelihood of statelessness multiplies.

The Makonde, Kenya’s 43rd tribe, would know about the lacunas in law that result in statelessness. Until they were granted certificates of registration of citizenship, the Makonde formed part of the stateless population within Kenyan borders whose exact number the UNHCR has reported to be unknown. The Makonde were brought into the country from Mozambique in the 1930s to work on the sugar and sisal farms at the Kenyan coast. This was before either Kenya or Mozambique became independent. When the two countries did gain independence, the Makonde remained without citizenship of either country.

For more than half a century, the Makonde have been unable to access public services such as healthcare and higher education. They have additionally been incapable of taking up opportunities for work or take part in society, as they have had to live clandestinely. Furthermore, they have had to pass on their statelessness to their children. Kenya does not allow for the acquisition of citizenship simply by being born in the country. One of the child’s parents must be a Kenyan national for the child to acquire Kenyan Citizenship. These difficulties have forced the Makonde to live on the fringes of the Kenyan economy, politics and society.

Under the Kenya Citizenship and Immigration Act, 2011 (the Act), there are two ways of becoming a Kenyan citizen. The first, as mentioned above, is by blood, where at least one parent is Kenyan and passes on their citizenship to their child. The second is by registration. Through the latter avenue, the Makonde were able to gain citizenship. By virtue of section 15 of the Act, stateless persons who were born in Kenya before December 12, 1963 can apply to be registered as Kenyan citizens within 5 years of the passing of the Act.

Under section 17, their descendants are also eligible to apply for citizenship. For stateless persons or their descendants to be considered for registration under sections 15 and 17, they should know Kiswahili or a local dialect, not have been convicted of a crime and should intend to continue to stay in Kenya. To add, regulation 10 of the Kenya Citizenship and Immigration Regulations, 2012, until recently required applications to be accompanied by a non-refundable prescribed fee (Sh2000), supported by evidence such as birth certificates or national identity cards. Further, it was a requirement that a magistrate or commissioner for oaths witnesses the application.

The fee was too high a price to pay for accessing human rights for the stateless, who have no alternative means to enforce their rights. Similarly, the requirement for supporting documentation mocked stateless applicants. It is as though the law were asking, “give me documentary proof of your citizenship status and I shall give you citizenship”. On the other hand, stateless applicants respond, “It is precisely because I do not possess any documentation to vouchsafe my citizenship status that I am applying for citizenship”.

Applying for citizenship by registration baffles even those who have all the papers to back their provenance due to the sheer amount of paperwork to be produced and the waiting time between the application date and acquisition of citizenship. For the Makonde, it took the whole citizenship section of the Department of Immigration Services shutting office and going to Kwale County, where the Makonde live, in order to collect all the required information.

It thus came as a relief when the Cabinet Secretary for Interior and Co-ordination of National Government amended the Regulations with respect to Stateless persons, migrants and their descendants. Through Legal Notice number 208 dated December 30, 2016, he introduced an exemption from paying the application fees and producing evidence to support the application.

The acquisition of Citizenship to the Makonde rode on the back of an enabling legal environment, tireless lobbying by those interested and the political will to push the agenda through. Nevertheless, two major issues remain unresolved.

Concerns of rule of law and discrimination persist. Kenya is home to some members of the Shona from Zimbabwe and Pemba from Tanzania among other communities. Many of these people are still stateless. There is no legal justification for treating the various stateless persons differently especially when their circumstances are similar. One could argue that the Department of Immigration Services only grants citizenship to those who apply and the still stateless persons are yet to apply. However, in the interests of the public, the Government should look into assisting them to apply and overcome any hurdles that may exist.

Another challenge lies in the fact that Sections 15 and 17 have a sunset clause. Applicants can only benefit from the provisions within 5 years of the coming into force of the Act or for an extended period of three years as gazetted by the Cabinet Secretary. The five-year period lapsed on August 30, 2016 but was extended by legal notice number 178 of 2016 with effect from August 31, 2016 for three more years. However, it is unlikely that the rest of the stateless persons in Kenya will be granted citizenship within the remaining two years if the last six years have been anything to go by.

This article recommends amendment to Sections 15 and 17 of the Act to the effect that there will be no deadline within which Stateless persons ought to apply for citizenship. Although the government has taken legal measures, which have somewhat, alleviated the plight of Kenya’s stateless, only a more proactive approach in legislation and action, in line with the rule of law and bill of rights will deal a definitive blow to statelessness.

How Jubilee Has Protected Uhuru’s ‘Win

How Jubilee Has Protected Uhuru’s ‘Win” from Chief Justice Maraga and Deputy Chief Justice Mwilu.

It will NOT be business as usual……… Things appear to have been #FIXED…. The reason why #NASA did not bother filing another #PRESIDENTIAL #PETITION

Jubilee Party has pulled some crude manoeuvres which have now ensured that President Uhuru’s contested win is protected from Chief Justice Maraga and Deputy Chief Justice Mwilu.

While the party strongly opposed and voiced concerns after the Supreme Court nullified the win of President Uhuru terming some actions by IEBC illegal and irregular, the ruling party has upped the game this time reaching out to key judges, isolating the CJ and DCJ while at the same time intimidating some of those believed to be threatening the Presidency of Uhuru.
Through the Fazul Mohammed led NGO Coordination Board, the government has reigned hard on civil society and demanded that they operate within some rules which Jubilee could have used to manage them.

The ruling party also believes that the Judiciary has some senior activists in its ranks, senior of them being the Chief of Staff, Duncan Okello who was brought in from the civil society by former CJ Willy Mutunga. Duncan has been the subject of targeted attacks from those believed to be speaking on behalf of the Jubilee party and the Presidency.

Okello is one of those who are going to be subjects of attacks this week as the Supreme Court convenes a pre-trial hearing for the Presidential Petition.
The Registrar of the Judiciary Anne Amadi and her junior at the Supreme Court Esther Nyaiyaki are also going to be targets of state threats and intimidations. The duo have now deployed extra levels of security while going slow in most of their dealings at the court.

The attack on the Deputy Chief Justice’s driver sent a strong message to… the staff of the Judiciary who now fear for their lives. Top judges believe that the men who attacked the driver and bodyguard of the DCJ were not joking as they are believed to be highly trained assassins who were going for the Deputy Chief Justice and not the bodyguard.

Shooting the bodyguard on the arms and hip made the judges believe that the assassins were colleagues of the bodyguard from the police who were not willing to neuter their colleague but were just out to disarm him while the real target of assassination on that day was the top judge.

Already even before the Supreme Court hears the petitions filed at the top court, it is believed that Judges Lenaola, Wanjala and Ibrahim have crossed over and will rule in favour of upholding the win of President Uhuru. Judge Ibrahim is suspected to be planning to stay away citing his sickness as the reason. Jubilee has already isolated the CJ and his Deputy strategically while also reaching out to them.

The reach-out is suspected because in all the attacks of staff of the Judiciary after the submission of the petitions, the two top judges have not been subjects while Esther Nyaiyaki and Duncan Okello have been attacked.

Staff at the Judiciary believes that the CJ is actively being part of the efforts to sideline Duncan Okello who was only to stay for few months after the retirement of Willy Mutunga. He was later expected to join the former CJ as one of his staffers as he is provided with such benefits after retirement.

The CJ believes that Duncan Okello has been a key cog who has blocked him from having his own people in the senior echelons of the Judiciary. He has apparently been slow in approving any new staff to the CJ’s office.

During the reign of Willy Mutunga at the Judiciary, Duncan Okello together with Kwamchetsi Makokha and Ahmednasir Mohamed used to call the shots at the Judiciary prompting a pro-conservatism wing of the JSC to be so determined in reigning in on the civil society at the judiciary.

Many who celebrated the Judiciary for cancelling a presidential election will be disappointed with the Supreme Court this time around as the Supreme Court as currently constituted is facing extreme threats that it is unlikely to be ambitious with it’s ruling this time around.

One judge who is going to play a key role in the Jubilee’s determination to contain the Supreme Court is the President of Court of Appeal, Paul Kihara Kariuki who is also a grand son to the late Mbiu Koinange.

OVERCOMING KENYA’S POLITICAL CRISIS AND ADVANCING DEMOCRACY, RULE O LAW AND STABILITY

Speech by Rt. Hon.Raila Odinga at The Center for Strategic and International Studies. 9th November 2017

It’s very special for me to be here again at CSIS. A democratic, secure and stable African future can only be attained through the power of ideas and candid, informed debate, and that is always plentiful in this house. Your continuing commitment to Africa is a blessing for the continent and for the US too. I am very glad to be here with close friends as well, first and foremost Mark Bellamy, and of course Johnnie Carson. These two remain the most astute and caring US ambassadors Kenya ever had, and subsequently the two most astute ambassadors Kenya ever had in the US! The distinguished guests here attest to the recognition of Kenya as one of the most strategically important nations in Africa. Despite its relatively small economy, Kenya has played an outsize role in continental leadership because of its half century-long stability. That stability also co-existed with vast democratic deficits which were successfully fought by a lengthy, painful but always peaceful struggle for greater freedoms. That is what brought us the extraordinary democratic and economic transformations few in Africa have achieved. We were a safe haven from which concerned international partners could tackle all the crises that wracked virtually every one of our neighbors over the decades. These achievements helped us maintain not just peace but an exceptional level of innovation and entrepreneurship that is renowned around the world, thanks to our people’s openness in embracing global currents, as well as our vibrant civil society and media. Our partners too have played a crucial role in our great gains and in stabilizing our country when disasters occurred or threatened. But all of this progress is being imperiled through our current crisis, the most long-lasting Kenya has ever endured. The world must not be deceived that this is merely an “electoral” crisis triggered by the third straight rigged election. The crisis is all-encompassing and has resulted from the attempt to unlawfully hold on to power. It threatens to undo everything we have achieved, tearing apart our democratic and interethnic fabric. Let me be blunt. Kenya is hurtling towards outright dictatorship. The Jubilee government has ridden roughshod over or looted every institution that they could in order to achieve their goal of long-term control of the state, or at least till their self-declared goal of ruling till at least 2032. The regime has targeted and inflicted particularly severe damage on the two institutions that are central to the preservation of democracy and peace through the delivery of free, fair and credible elections – The Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission and the Supreme Court of Kenya. These two critical institutions have been targeted through nothing less than a reign of terror. The electoral commission was comprehensively undermined before the August election. The assault on the Supreme Court began after the courageous Chief Justice David Maraga and his fellow Justices astounded Kenyans and the world by annulling that election of President Uhuru Kenyatta for pervasive “irregularities and illegalities.” Among the other great setbacks for Kenya in the current crisis has been the disappointing role of our partners, who were with us in the decisive struggle for multi democracy in the early 1990s. They also intervened with lightning speed during our catastrophe a decade ago, when mass violence erupted after the tainted 2007 election. Kenya matters. Or at least it did then.

In this crisis, though, the US and other pro-democracy friends chose to avert their gaze from the unfolding electoral lawlessness, and continued against all the evidence to support a deeply tainted electoral process. To give the most recent example, Commission Chairman Wafula Chebukati courageously confessed that his electoral commission was riven by politically-motivated pressures and that he could not guarantee a free and fair election in the 26 October re-run. But in a stand that astounded Kenyans, western envoys two days later announced that they believed the commission could hold a credible poll and supported that highly controversial election. It was an utterly bizarre sight. But I am convinced all is not lost yet. What Kenyans are asking is something small – a fresh, credible election. Numerous independent institutions, as well as international media previously supportive of Uhuru Kenyatta’s government, had strongly opposed the holding of that election. This nearly universal stance has vindicated NASA’s position that a credible election is the only option Kenya has to give peace a chance, and even more important, heal a nation that has been torn into angry bits. But holding such an election needs a radically changed, non-confrontational environment in which the two sides can campaign on the basis of what they offer Kenyans for a better future. I have come to Washington to convey a simple message we need a much fuller engagement from the many arms of governance that your country possesses to assist the envoys based in Nairobi. The envoys’ efforts up to now have not succeeded in defusing the crisis, but let me be blunt again, they have sometimes contributed to the problem. Despite the grave challenges, I see glimmers of hope from the events of the past few days. Kenyans were very pleased that the US and other friends refused to congratulate Mr. Kenyatta after the electoral commission announced that he had been elected President –- after an election more woefully tainted than the annulled August one. A solution must be found in Kenya soon. Each day this crisis continues, the divisions, polarization and radicalization deepen. The killings of scores of unarmed protestors by police, including infants and children shot inside their homes, and the severe financial hardships being inflicted upon millions by the currently paralyzed economy, are adding to the tinder. The most inflammatory recent development was the Supreme Court’s being prevented from convening to hear the case about whether the 26th October re-run election should be held. But the evening before, Deputy Chief Justice Philomena Mwilu’s bodyguard was shot and grievously wounded. That sent shock waves and the Court immediately asked for increased protection from the police. When that request was turned down, a number of Justices did not feel safe to travel to the Court, a resulting in the lack of the required quorum. In which other democratic country has a Supreme Court been prevented from hearing case this way? What I call the reign of terror against the Supreme Court and the electoral commission began with the torture and murder of Chris Msando, the Commission’s Chief of Technology responsible for the integrity of the entire voting system one week before the 8th August election. He had received death threats and sought protection from the police, in vain. Kenyans know that the decades-long struggle for justice and our grand new Constitutional order was waged and won peacefully. That is why NASA’s leadership is centered on a campaign of peaceful resistance to unlawfully constituted authority. We have convened a People’s Assembly to guide the country to a fresh, free and fair presidential election, as decreed by the Supreme Court. That record of anti-democratic criminal behavior, which has included systematic measures limiting civil society and media protections, has made many wonder how our long-standing democratic partners have not publicly spoken up against these depredations. Most of us worry that this is a result of international policies that exclusively focus on security and stability, and that the envoys in Nairobi believe only President Kenyatta can deliver this with his own force- and security-first agenda. But when that agenda is accompanied by a government’s increasing authoritarianism and plans to stay permanently in power, Kenya’s historic stability is at fundamental risk. An anti-democratic culture in a freedom-loving country like Kenya is a recipe for radicalization and extremism. That campaign and war against extremism and terrorism is pivotal in our time and in our region. But to succeed, it must begin WITHIN each of our countries by building a state that shuns sectarianism and makes inclusion and equity as its core values. But that central continental struggle is not succeeding because too many countries have regressed in the last decade and lack an internal program of democratic inclusion and respect for rights, especially of marginalized communities, where extremism frequently originates. Too many African leaders just assess where western governments stand and align with their security policies. As things stand now, anger and radicalization is growing by the day and unless this election crisis is expeditiously rectified, Kenya could be rendered incapable of protecting its own and its partners’ fundamental interests. The depth of this crisis can be seen in the hitherto unheard of phenomenon of mainstream Kenyans feeling so deeply excluded that they are openly toying with the secessionist idea. The path to enhance Kenya’s security – and therefore this region’s – would not be a terribly complex one in a democratic state with clean elections. The rascals would always be thrown out by the people! But it does seem that the path to sustainable security is an impossible one for a regime which is essentially composed of a powerful elite which has been at our country’s helm for the last 55 years. In addition, our four presidents have come from only two communities and the next one preparing to take over after Uhuru is not from of the other 42 communities either. As I said at the outset, these ills co-exist with extra-ordinary accomplishments by talented, hardworking and outward-looking Kenyans. Kenya’s future, and indeed Africa’s, lies in democracy. Both the regime and our traditional partners must retrace their steps and accept that the current state of affairs endangers the nation, the region and the security and stability of the entire free world. Thank you.OVERCOMING KENYA’S POLITICAL CRISIS AND ADVANCING DEMOCRACY, RULE O LAW AND STABILITY; Speech by Rt. Hon.Raila Odinga at The Center for Strategic and International Studies. 9th November 2017 It’s very special for me to be here again at CSIS. A democratic, secure and stable African future can only be attained through the power of ideas and candid, informed debate, and that is always plentiful in this house. Your continuing commitment to Africa is a blessing for the continent and for the US too. I am very glad to be here with close friends as well, first and foremost Mark Bellamy, and of course Johnnie Carson. These two remain the most astute and caring US ambassadors Kenya ever had, and subsequently the two most astute ambassadors Kenya ever had in the US! The distinguished guests here attest to the recognition of Kenya as one of the most strategically important nations in Africa. Despite its relatively small economy, Kenya has played an outsize role in continental leadership because of its half century-long stability. That stability also co-existed with vast democratic deficits which were successfully fought by a lengthy, painful but always peaceful struggle for greater freedoms. That is what brought us the extraordinary democratic and economic transformations few in Africa have achieved. We were a safe haven from which concerned international partners could tackle all the crises that wracked virtually every one of our neighbors over the decades. These achievements helped us maintain not just peace but an exceptional level of innovation and entrepreneurship that is renowned around the world, thanks to our people’s openness in embracing global currents, as well as our vibrant civil society and media. Our partners too have played a crucial role in our great gains and in stabilizing our country when disasters occurred or threatened. But all of this progress is being imperiled through our current crisis, the most long-lasting Kenya has ever endured. The world must not be deceived that this is merely an “electoral” crisis triggered by the third straight rigged election. The crisis is all-encompassing and has resulted from the attempt to unlawfully hold on to power. It threatens to undo everything we have achieved, tearing apart our democratic and interethnic fabric. Let me be blunt. Kenya is hurtling towards outright dictatorship. The Jubilee government has ridden roughshod over or looted every institution that they could in order to achieve their goal of long-term control of the state, or at least till their self-declared goal of ruling till at least 2032. The regime has targeted and inflicted particularly severe damage on the two institutions that are central to the preservation of democracy and peace through the delivery of free, fair and credible elections – The Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission and the Supreme Court of Kenya. These two critical institutions have been targeted through nothing less than a reign of terror. The electoral commission was comprehensively undermined before the August election. The assault on the Supreme Court began after the courageous Chief Justice David Maraga and his fellow Justices astounded Kenyans and the world by annulling that election of President Uhuru Kenyatta for pervasive “irregularities and illegalities.” Among the other great setbacks for Kenya in the current crisis has been the disappointing role of our partners, who were with us in the decisive struggle for multi democracy in the early 1990s. They also intervened with lightning speed during our catastrophe a decade ago, when mass violence erupted after the tainted 2007 election. Kenya matters. Or at least it did then. In this crisis, though, the US and other pro-democracy friends chose to avert their gaze from the unfolding electoral lawlessness, and continued against all the evidence to support a deeply tainted electoral process. To give the most recent example, Commission Chairman Wafula Chebukati courageously confessed that his electoral commission was riven by politically-motivated pressures and that he could not guarantee a free and fair election in the 26 October re-run. But in a stand that astounded Kenyans, western envoys two days later announced that they believed the commission could hold a credible poll and supported that highly controversial election. It was an utterly bizarre sight. But I am convinced all is not lost yet. What Kenyans are asking is something small – a fresh, credible election. Numerous independent institutions, as well as international media previously supportive of Uhuru Kenyatta’s government, had strongly opposed the holding of that election. This nearly universal stance has vindicated NASA’s position that a credible election is the only option Kenya has to give peace a chance, and even more important, heal a nation that has been torn into angry bits. But holding such an election needs a radically changed, non-confrontational environment in which the two sides can campaign on the basis of what they offer Kenyans for a better future. I have come to Washington to convey a simple message we need a much fuller engagement from the many arms of governance that your country possesses to assist the envoys based in Nairobi. The envoys’ efforts up to now have not succeeded in defusing the crisis, but let me be blunt again, they have sometimes contributed to the problem. Despite the grave challenges, I see glimmers of hope from the events of the past few days. Kenyans were very pleased that the US and other friends refused to congratulate Mr. Kenyatta after the electoral commission announced that he had been elected President –- after an election more woefully tainted than the annulled August one. A solution must be found in Kenya soon. Each day this crisis continues, the divisions, polarization and radicalization deepen. The killings of scores of unarmed protestors by police, including infants and children shot inside their homes, and the severe financial hardships being inflicted upon millions by the currently paralyzed economy, are adding to the tinder. The most inflammatory recent development was the Supreme Court’s being prevented from convening to hear the case about whether the 26th October re-run election should be held. But the evening before, Deputy Chief Justice Philomena Mwilu’s bodyguard was shot and grievously wounded. That sent shock waves and the Court immediately asked for increased protection from the police. When that request was turned down, a number of Justices did not feel safe to travel to the Court, a resulting in the lack of the required quorum. In which other democratic country has a Supreme Court been prevented from hearing case this way? What I call the reign of terror against the Supreme Court and the electoral commission began with the torture and murder of Chris Msando, the Commission’s Chief of Technology responsible for the integrity of the entire voting system one week before the 8th August election. He had received death threats and sought protection from the police, in vain. Kenyans know that the decades-long struggle for justice and our grand new Constitutional order was waged and won peacefully. That is why NASA’s leadership is centered on a campaign of peaceful resistance to unlawfully constituted authority. We have convened a People’s Assembly to guide the country to a fresh, free and fair presidential election, as decreed by the Supreme Court. That record of anti-democratic criminal behavior, which has included systematic measures limiting civil society and media protections, has made many wonder how our long-standing democratic partners have not publicly spoken up against these depredations. Most of us worry that this is a result of international policies that exclusively focus on security and stability, and that the envoys in Nairobi believe only President Kenyatta can deliver this with his own force- and security-first agenda. But when that agenda is accompanied by a government’s increasing authoritarianism and plans to stay permanently in power, Kenya’s historic stability is at fundamental risk. An anti-democratic culture in a freedom-loving country like Kenya is a recipe for radicalization and extremism. That campaign and war against extremism and terrorism is pivotal in our time and in our region. But to succeed, it must begin WITHIN each of our countries by building a state that shuns sectarianism and makes inclusion and equity as its core values. But that central continental struggle is not succeeding because too many countries have regressed in the last decade and lack an internal program of democratic inclusion and respect for rights, especially of marginalized communities, where extremism frequently originates. Too many African leaders just assess where western governments stand and align with their security policies. As things stand now, anger and radicalization is growing by the day and unless this election crisis is expeditiously rectified, Kenya could be rendered incapable of protecting its own and its partners’ fundamental interests. The depth of this crisis can be seen in the hitherto unheard of phenomenon of mainstream Kenyans feeling so deeply excluded that they are openly toying with the secessionist idea. The path to enhance Kenya’s security – and therefore this region’s – would not be a terribly complex one in a democratic state with clean elections. The rascals would always be thrown out by the people! But it does seem that the path to sustainable security is an impossible one for a regime which is essentially composed of a powerful elite which has been at our country’s helm for the last 55 years. In addition, our four presidents have come from only two communities and the next one preparing to take over after Uhuru is not from of the other 42 communities either. As I said at the outset, these ills co-exist with extra-ordinary accomplishments by talented, hardworking and outward-looking Kenyans. Kenya’s future, and indeed Africa’s, lies in democracy. Both the regime and our traditional partners must retrace their steps and accept that the current state of affairs endangers the nation, the region and the security and stability of the entire free world. Thank you.

PRESS STATEMENT: NOVEMBER 8, 2017. NASA DIRECTS MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT TO ATTEND COUNTY ASSEMBLY DEBATES ON PEOPLE’S ASSEMBLY MOTION

Opposition Leader Raila Odinga has directed the Parliamentary wing of the National Resistance Movement of NASA to put off all engagements in Nairobi and attend sessions at the County Assemblies where the Motion on the establishment of a People’s Assembly will be going on starting tomorrow.
Mr. Odinga, who arrived in the US this evening, has asked the NRM to attend and stand in solidarity with county assemblies that have will be debating the motion.
The Opposition leader has asked NRM parliamentary wing to be at the assemblies beginning tomorrow and, where necessary, provide guidance to Members of County Assemblies on the Motion.
Raila said: “By and large, we are confident that our county assemblies are well-briefed on the Motion following our session with the governors and the MCAs will be equal to the task when the Motion is tabled tomorrow. Still, it is a new territory and we ask our members of the National Assembly and the Senate who have had more time to ventilate on this matter to show up at the counties tomorrow in solidarity and for guidance.”
The Motion was unveiled by NASA co-principals Musalia Mudavadi and Moses Wetangula yesterday.
It has since been dispatched to the following counties:
1. Mombasa
2. Kwale
3. Kilifi
4. Lamu
5. Taita Taveta
6. Tana River
7. Nairobi
8. Homa Bay
9. Migori
10. Kisumu
11. Siaya.
12. Busia
13. Kakamega.
14. Bungoma
15. Vihiga.
16. Kitui
17. Machakos
18. Makueni
19. Turkana.
The Motion is designed to pass the following resolutions:

a) The presidential elections held on 8th August 2017 and 26th October 2017 were each and all invalid, null and void; and no government formed and/or president declared as a consequence thereof, and considering the neglible turnout in the presidential elections held on the latter date, can have constitutional authority or legitimacy to govern;

b) A Peoples Assembly be formed to discuss and determine the affairs of the country and recommend a pathway towards and for the achievement of the promise, aspirations, objectives and rights and freedoms provided by the Constitution of Kenya 2010;

c) The House and its membership will participate in the proceedings of the People’s Assembly and will constitute a special college for the appointment or election of members, delegations and observers to the People’s Assembly;

d) A truly independent electoral and boundaries commission be established with a view of holding a fresh presidential election on or before 9th February 2018;

e) The action and performance of constitutional commissions including the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission, the National Police Service, the National Intelligence Service, the Public Service Commission, the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission and the National Cohesion and Integration Commission be reviewed with the purpose of ensuring that the said commissions are independent to enable them protect the sovereignty of the people and to promote constitutionalism;

f) Appropriate measures be undertaken to safeguard and promote devolution and the organs and instruments of devolution including county assemblies and county governments and secure their financial viability and security with the ultimate objective of the creation of larger and autonomous devolved units within one indivisible sovereign nation; and

g) A review of the Constitution of Kenya 2010 be undertaken to reform the structure of the Executive and Parliament and devolution and to reinforce concrete measures for the promotion of inclusivity, the welfare of the marginalized, the advancement of women and youth, the eradication of corruption and poverty and to secure social justice, equality and fairness.

DENNIS ONYANGO
NOVEMBER 8, 2017.

Kenya’s Next Test:

RAILA SPEECH IN LONDON Kenya’s Next Test: Democracy, Elections and the Rule of Law: It is a pleasure to be here once again. There are few institutions in the world more renowned for the caliber of their policy discussions than Chatham House. So thank you Alex and all the staff for arranging this discussion at very short notice. Let me begin by saying that I have in these two days held a number of very productive meetings with current and former British Government Ministers. I feel confident that my message for the need of greater engagement by our international partners in helping to find solutions to the intense current crisis was well heard. I also had a very useful discussion with the head of the Anglican Church, Archbishop of Canterbury Justin Welby. I value greatly the wise counsel that the Archbishop imparted. I would like to thank all the leaders I have met in this very short visit. When I last spoke here in July last year (2016), I expressed pride that from the pessimism of the past when Africa was seen simply as a basket case ruined by conceited and ruthless dictators, the Continent had become a puzzling case of rapid economic growth in the midst of promising political changes. But I also warned that this “new dawn” may easily be jeopardized by the reluctance to embrace far-reaching democratization at the political level and progressive reforms at the economic level. I stated that both far reaching democratization and progressive economic reforms require committed political leaders with long term visions that were typical of Africa’s founding fathers. I indicated that despite years of progress, democracy is in jeopardy in Africa largely because many pro-democracy activists are no longer sure they have the support of the West. Many are not clear if it is still the policy of the West to stand only with regimes that promote open, free and fair elections, transparency in management of public affairs, good governance and human rights. Further, I expressed the fear that we are entering an era of anything goes with regard to democratization with the West being seen to be turning its back on democracy by cutting funding, endorsing regimes with dubious records and abandoning democracy activists and civil society all in the name of stability, war on terror and business. I am honoured to be back here to continue this conversation against the backdrop of an annulled Presidential election in Kenya and the Opposition withdrawal from the new elections scheduled for October 26. The electoral crisis in Kenya has been dragging on for months now. It has caused serious economic dislocation and financial suffering. And with each passing day, it also deepening divisions, polarization and radicalization across the country. At the moment, there is particularly intense interest in why I decided two days ago to withdraw from the upcoming 26th October election, which I am not certain will be held. In fact, it should not be held. Our courageous Supreme Court annulled the August election because the Electoral Commission had “failed, neglected or refused” to conduct it according to the law and it was riven with too many “irregularities and illegalities”. No doubt worried that the next election might be conducted equally corruptly, the Court took the remarkable step of explicitly stating in its judgment that it would not hesitate to annul the next election as well if it was not conducted under the laws and safeguards of the Constitution. But the Electoral Commission has not focused on the essential reforms to the electoral processes; instead focusing on inconsequential measures, contending that there was insufficient time to do anything significant. The new election, therefore, is going to be as corruptly conducted as the one last month and its outcome would in no way represent the will of the people. We must ask: Is an election held to fulfill some legal requirement, regardless of whether it will be demonstrably free and fair? Elections lie at the heart of democracy. There is no greater symbol, nor more potent expression, of a peop le’s will and determination to decide the kind of country they want and to choose leaders who are committed to taking them there. But now, after three rigged elections in a row, it is not elections, but democracy itself that is gravely threatened, along with the rule of law that protects it. We in NASA have insisted that the fresh election be held to the standard ordered by the Supreme Court, that is, in strict conformity with the Constitution and written law. We have provided a checklist of what we deem to be the “irreducible minimum” changes required to ensure compliance. The validity of the checklist of the requirements for free and fair elections proposed by NASA has not been disputed by anyone, not by the IEBC, not by Jubilee or other actors and observers. The EU Observer Mission has made recommendations in conformity with our ‘irreducible minimum.” Jubilee and the other proponents of an election without reforms are saying “any election will do. But we in NASA are calling for a credible election. In a constitutional democracy, we should not be debating about a free and fair election, or compliance with court orders, or accountability for breach of public trust. Instead the IEBC has stonewalled meaningful deliberations on the necessary reforms to ensure that the elections of 26th October are free and fair. We therefore came to the conclusion that there is no intention on the part of the IEBC to undertake any changes to ensure that the “illegalities and irregularities” do not happen again. All indications are that the election scheduled for 26 October will be worse than the previous one. My participation in it, therefore, would only legitimize a corrupt exercise. It would also implicitly signal something much more ominous: my acceptance of the current drive by the Jubilee Government to dismantle fundamental democratic rights that Kenyans have struggled and sacrificed for over decades. It is vital for Kenya’s friends and economic partners to realize that the crisis in Kenya is not only about who was or will be the next lawfully elected President of our great nation. The real crisis is that those in power have abundantly shown — before, during and after this utterly failed election — their determination to hold on to power by any and all means. For example, the effort to subvert the election went beyond rigging to include the torture and murder a week before the election of Chris Msando, the Electoral Commission Chief of Technology responsible for the security and integrity of the entire voting system. Because of his renowned integrity, he had received many death threats and had sought police protection in vain, the Electoral Commission’s chairman announced after his death, adding that he was tortured in order to obtain the passwords that protected the tallying and transmission system. After the August election, and even before the new one, they are moving to dismantle the entire edifice of the rule of law enshrined in Kenya’s Constitution to consolidate their long-term power. For example, after the Supreme Court annulled the election, President Kenyatta, having first said he accepted the decision, quickly changed tack and threatened to “fix” the Chief Justice and Associates. He accused them of having carried out a “coup” against him, and ridiculed them by asking how only four people could overturn the votes of the eight million people he claims voted for him. The ruling Jubilee Party has subsequently passed new legislation that will gut many current electoral safeguards and also severely limit the powers of the Supreme Court to annul an election outcome. It will also diminish the authority the Chairman of the Electoral Commission currently has, by making it possible for any member of the Commission to announce the result of a Presidential election. President Kenyatta is expected to sign that legislation into law any moment now. These laws are being changed in the middle of an election cycle! It is like changing the rules of a soccer match at halftime in order to help the home team win! Despite great international interest in the current situation, not many are aware that the crisis in Kenya goes much deeper and unless addressed will soon shred our society’s security and stability and potentially exposing us to the spectre of the terror always lurking around the corner.

Kenya needs its international partners, who have been stalwart friends in the past, to support Kenyans in this struggle to protect and defend its democratic institutions and processes. Our partners enjoy enormous respect for the role they played in helping us overcome the decades-long yoke of one party rule in the 1990s. And in 2007, after the rigged election led to the worst violence independent Kenya had ever seen, it was our partners, in a robust and unprecedently speedy intervention who pulled us back from the brink. Such was the interest in preserving Kenyan peace that highest-level international leaders traveled to Kenya in search of a durable solution. They included someone I am very pleased to see has joined our discussion today, the great Kenya friend and then British Cabinet Minister Lord Mark Malloch Brown. Then US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice also travelled to Nairobi to push for needed compromises. That historic intervention, spearheaded by the former United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan, did not merely address the 2007 electoral crisis, but the deep-rooted causes of the violence that successive governments refused to address. It was that well thought-through and caring approach that led to the consolidation of the rights in a new Constitution that engendered a period of vibrant civil society engagement and enhanced national harmony. Like then, we cannot tackle the current challenge alone. I am aware that the new world that we now live in is less compassionate than what prevailed just a decade ago. But at the same time, there are hugely pragmatic reasons to help preserve the democracy that has given Kenya the stability to become the linchpin for peace and prosperity in our vast and strategic region.

UTHAMAKI OR STATESMANSHIP!!

I want to address the Kikuyu Nation, those who subscribe to Uthamaki, and those who believe in the false ideology of Kikuyu Nationalism. One thing about Kikuyus is that they forget so fast. Over the past few weeks, in the wake of the Supreme Court’s nullification of the August 8th polls, the Kikuyu nation has been in a state of wild frenzy. They have cheered Uhuru Kenyatta’s calls to curtail the powers of the judiciary, they have celebrated David Murathe’s lie that the Kikuyu (and only the Kikuyu) have a stake in Kenya’s economy, and their men are seemingly jerking off to Ndindi Nyoro’s call to bestow more powers on the presidency. Let me take you to post-independence Kenya. In 1963, Jaramogi, Mboya, and others negotiated the Majimbo constitution which birthed Kenya’s independence at the 3rd Lancaster Conference. Jaramogi felt that the only way the seething inequality in Kenya would be corrected was if the political structure was decentralised. Jomo Kenyatta had his own ideas. When he formed government in December of 1964, his first objective was to dismantle the Majimbo Constitution. Jomo –like his son Uhuru- could not imagine the sharing of resources between the central and regional governments. Between 1964 and 1966, he introduced several amendments into the constitution and virtually got rid of the Majimbo system of government. When the likes of Jaramogi voiced their concerns over the constitutional amendments, the Kikuyu community cheered Jomo on. In 1966, Jomo introduced another amendment which gave him the power to detain individuals without trial. Again, Jaramogi voiced his concerns, the Kikuyu community cheered Jomo on. That very year, at the Limuru Conference, Jomo consolidated Kenya into a de facto single-party state, forcing Jaramogi to resign as Vice President to form KPU, the Kikuyu community cheered Jomo on and called Jaramogi a dissident. In 1969, Kenyatta visited Kisumu where his bodyguards killed close to 100 Luos, the Kikuyu community cheered him on. Later that year, he banned KPU without any constitutional basis. The President had no power to ban a political party, but the Kikuyus cheered him on. Afraid that the spirit of nationalism was slowly fading and he was losing political grip he had over the country, he began administering oaths to Kikuyus in the name defending power in the house of Mumbi, the Kikuyu community was ecstatic. He then began undermining constitutional offices with the intention of perpetuating himself in power; the Kikuyu community cheered him on. To the GEMA community, Jomo was going to be president for life. But life is always full of surprises. Jomo passed away in 1978 and Moi took over, promising to follow in the footsteps of Kenyatta –and follow he did. The very institutional changes and constitutional amendments that the Kikuyu community had celebrated years earlier began working against them.

Among the first people Moi detained without trial were Ngugi Wa Thiongo and Gitobu Imanyara –sons of Gema. The majority of peole Moi removed from positions of political power during the tribal purges that characterised Kenya after the 1982 attempted coup, were Kikuyus. Those who were affected most by government-sanctioned voter suppression exercises were the Kikuyus But they have completely forgotten. Ndindi Nyoro now wants the Constitution amended to give the President the power to hire and fire judges, security officials and Chairperson’s of top constitutional offices. The Kikuyu community is cheering him on. President Kenyatta has been criss-crossing the country, calling the Supreme Court all manner of names and in the process, undermining their role in our democracy. The Kikuyu community is cheering him on. Like Jomo, they think Uhuru will be President for life. But why does this happen? I mentioned the false ideology of Uthamaki (Kikuyu Nationalism). But there is no such thing as Uthamaki. What they fail to understand is that Uthamaki is a catchphrase that was invented by Mt. Kenya power brokers to brainwash Kikuyus that for them to survive, they have to exercise state power. Does the average Kikuyu on the street exercise state power? As Jomo was administering oaths to them, he was grabbing their land. There is no such thing as Uthamaki! Uthamaki was coined to make the Kikuyus even poorer! Support your son, support Uhuru, but when you attack the very backbone of Kenyan society –the Constitution- I’ll ask you a simple question: How fast do you forget? Via Innocent Ngare.

POLICE BRUTALITY

When police clobbered and killed NASA demonstrators including babies Pendo and Samantha after election results declaration, the people not affected cheered. When CORD demonstrators were killed and others injured during the Okoa Kenya demos, those unaffected said it’s their problem for demonstrating. When Babu Owino is manhandled together with his lawyer Otiende when the former is being re-arrested , we say he deserved it. We continue to condone, encourage and support police brutality for political reasons not knowing that we may fall victim someday. When police officers stormed University of Nairobi hostels yesterday, they didn’t ask for your name, ID or tribe, they clobbered, beat up and arrested anyone they could lay their hands on whether you are Otieno,Kamau, Wepukhulu, Musyoki or Abdi. All became casualties of war, some as young as one month in campus. When clinical officers decided to exercise their constitutional right to industrial action in demanding for better terms of work, they were teargassed and their officials injured. This week, when nurses decided to demonstrate to Afya house and present their grievances, they were teargassed and roughed up. When a KTN journalist went to cover the demos in Kibera, he was arrested and his equipment confiscated simply because he wore a protective jacket yet his media house had sought licencing for the same. When a photographer decides to take photos of his wife in the streets of Nairobi, police decide to harass.(He erred by being rude too) When Matiangi withdraws the security details of Joho, Raila and Co, we celebrate and hail their actions saying, “Watajua sisi ni serikali, Watajua sisi Ndio kusema, Watajua hawajui” forgetting you may be in their shoes tomorrow and you need such security. If this is not condemned, investigated and responsible officers prosecuted, we shall set a bad precedence. Tomorrow you will be roughed up and arrested for no valid reason in the streets leaving work at 7pm,but your political affiliation won’t help you out. Tomorrow, you will be peacefully picketing due to lack of adequate security in your estate and you are teargassed and beaten, your second name won’t come to your rescue. You will be in town, hawkers are demonstrating and live bullets bullets fired, the live bullets won’t know whether you you NASA or Jubilee. We shall burry you. Police brutality knows no tribe, no political affiliation, no profession, no names. The police have become agents of settling political scores, agents of violence and animalistic acts. They can perpetrate injustices and get away with it because their bosses under whose directions they act will protect them. IPOA has become a toothless dog/puppy amenable to political machinations and influence. No tangible and credible actions have been taken against trigger happy police officers who breach the code of ethics. Any sane Kenyan must condemn police brutality in the strongest terms possible. We burry baby Pendo today,tomorrow it’s you and me. Which side will you be counted in; The side which said, “Let them suffer since am unaffected” or the side which said, “No to police brutality, political affiliation aside” Just as police brutality knows no tribe or political affiliation, so should we as we fight against it. Let’s all put our differences aside and fight this growing menace before it gets out of hand, before my loved one or your loved one becomes a victim of this circumstance. It’s not right. Violence is never the answer! Let’s unite and put a stop to this. Whether Jubilee or NASA!!! You choose we are all Kenyans and we have to build that sense of belonging!!

There Was No Election – A Painful Kenyan Truth

WHY THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY WANT IEBC OFFICIALS PROSECUTED.

There Was No Election – A Painful Kenyan Truth

September 5th, 4 days after the Supreme Court ruling, Wafula Chebukati, chairman of the disgraced Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission -IEBC- penned a confidential memo, that identified a dozen irregularities. The memo demanded explanation from the IEBC Secretariat CEO, Ezra Chiloba.

Two days later, the memo leaked. And the full import of the “dozen irregularities” became apparent to a stunned country.

The IEBC Chairman had penned an open confession that would shock both Uhuru Kenyatta and Raila Odinga’s supporters – the event on 8th August that saw millions of Kenyans queue to vote and count and declare results of a Presidential election was not only a sham. It was a ruse. It didn’t happen.

Simply put, the Chebukati memo raised the possibility that none of the Presidential results announced at the Bomas of Kenya, emanated from Kenya’s designated 40,883 polling stations. Which raises the question – where did the numbers come from? Did an election happen?

Four of the issues raised in the Chebukati memo have serious ramifications on the above questions.

1. That the KIEMS GPRS and geofencing features were switched off from August, 5, three days to the polls.

2. That Chebukati’s username and password were created without his knowledge or consent and used to log into the IEBC server almost 9,934 times.

3. That the transmission of results from 10,366 – affecting 4,636,556 registered voters – out of the 40,883 polling stations was done without accompanying forms 34A.

4. That satellite phones worth Ksh 848 million – USD$ 8.3 million purchased to transmit results from all 290 Constituencies and 47 County Tallying centers were never used.

Kenya’s social media exploded. For days horrified Kenyans struggled to understand the depth of the deception and how it contrasted with the dodgy narrative being sold through diplomatic circles, observer missions, foreign/local media and Uhuru Kenyatta’s Jubilee party – “voting went well, the transmission had problems that affected the election.”

Chebukati’s memo suggests this narrative is the fool’s paradise. Kenyans may have to consider the seemingly impossible – that the August 8th voting and the long queues did not count. The results were already prepared.

Opposition leader Raila Odinga indignantly fired at President Kenyatta,
“Shame on you. You should not be standing in front of people and chest-thumping that you won the elections,” Raila said

According to Raila, the IEBC election server has results posted into it a day before the elections. Actually, the Supreme Court audit points at multiple logins into the server from a day earlier – 6th August – and for days after the elections specifically to delete pre loaded form 34As, alter and upload new Form 34As

Thousands of anguished online posts captured the sense of betrayal. KTN Investigative reporter Dennis Onsarigo tweeted

Someone sat somewhere with CHEBUKATI’s password, deleted and uploaded statistics 9,800 times as the rest of us lined up in the sun to vote.

Something serious, and obviously criminal happened on the 8th of August 2017. In piercing the details, one inescapable question to be asked is whether the Presidential election figures as bandied by IEBC and the Uhuru Kenyatta campaign have any shred of credibility left.

The details are in the transmission system, or, the lack of it, and what this was meant to achieve, or hide. The case of the KIEMs tells an interesting story.
KIEMS KITS

6 days to the polls IEBC Chief executive Ezra Chiloba said, “On Tuesday 8th August, when the 19,611, 423 registered voters go to the polls, results will be coming live from all the 40,883 polling stations at all the 338 tallying centers with no human intervention.”

This meant that when presidential election results- which were to be counted first- would be declared at any of the polling stations in Kenya, Kenyans would have real time access and develop real time tallies of the polls.

The transmission was to be done through the Kenya Integrated Election Management System (KIEMS), made up of a laptop that is attached with a finger print reader and a handheld device with in-build finger print reader.

KIEMS had three tasks. First, support a voter’s identification on 8th August with the Biometric voter registration system used to electronically capture voters’ facial image, finger prints and civil data.
Secondly, it contained a data base that enabled IEBC and Returning Officers verify the accuracy of details for various candidates, compliance, polling station details and generated ballot paper proofs.

The KIEMs does not allow election officials to transmit results with figures more than registered voters at any polling station.

Finally, the KIEMS has an inbuilt system to enable presiding officers transmit results to 338 tallying centers – 290 Constituency, 47 County and the Bomas National Tallying Centres. This was through specially configured mobile devices.

The KIEMs kits were configured like mobile phone devices. Each has

. A Sim card,
. An IP Addresses to identify its location,
. An IMEI number – a unique identifier
. A Media Access Control address (MAC address) – MAC addresses are most often assigned by the manufacturer of every electronic devise and is stored in its hardware, such as the card’s read-only memory

Put simply, each of the 40,883 KIEMs kits stationed at each of the 40,883 polling stations has a unique identity, address, and location. All their communication could be tracked and audited.

Transmission of results was also made simple. To submit a result, a Presiding Officer must make a full entry of the data, in two steps – enter the numerical result, then a scanned form 34A signed by all agents of participating candidates. Only then would the KIEMs show the “submit” or “send” button and accept transmission.

It was impossible to send numeric results through KIEMs without it being accompanied by a scanned form. Once the correct process was followed, the law demanded simultaneous transmissions to the Constituency, County and National Tallying Centres.

This time, rigging a Kenyan election looked impossible. Furthermore, the foolproof process had become part of the election law. IEBC were at pains to re assure Kenyans the law would be followed.

“The primary document and what we will use as final result- is the scanned document. If the results in the scanned document is different from the alpha-numeric, the ones in the scanned document prevails,” IEBC chairman Wafula Chebukati assured Kenyans at the election test run at Bomas on Aug 2.

Looking at the happenings between 8th August and 11th August when Uhuru Kenyatta was declared the President-Elect by the IEBC, several things are clear. This detailed process was not followed.

What makes the Chebukati memo sensational is what he suggests – the expensive technology deployed by IEBC did not fail. It was stopped from working.
According to the Chebukati memo, the KIEMS GPRS and geofencing features were switched off from August, 5, three days to the polls. So, if geofencing features were disabled, how could one ascertain where the kit was, leave alone transmitting from, if at all? GPRS is responsible for the transmission. Switched off – it doesn’t transmit. The sheer gravity of this of Chebukati’s admission is that it’s now certain no KIEMs kit transmitted a single result from the 40,883 polling stations.

During the petition, IEBC admitted that the figures on their public portal beamed to the public on 8th and 9th August that gave Uhuru Kenyatta 8m plus votes were remitted through text messages by Presiding Officers and Returning Officers. Initially they called them “provisional results”, but pressed by Supreme Court judges, they hastily retreated and termed them “mere statistics”.

Taken to its logical conclusion, the admission points to one fact – the 40,883 KIEMs kits, never worked. How do we know this? The authentic KIEMs kit could only send a result to the 3 Tallying Centres once it was fed with both the numerical result number and the scanned Form 34A that had been signed by agents. It was impossible to send one without the other. The KIEMs kit set up couldn’t allow this.

Finally, Chebukati’s memo says his username and password were created without his knowledge or consent and registered 9934 transaction logs into the IEBC server using an unauthorized IP address. This claim is supported by the Supreme Court audit which revealed unauthorized logins were used to alter, delete and upload forged new Form 34As into the server. Additionally the partial audit also revealed that logins to upload Form 34As, the primary election results documents, started on 6th August, 2 Days to the actual election. Unauthorised person and their activities notwithstanding, access to the IEBC server was to be a read only. No one was allowed to alter results received from the KIEMs kits across the country. But as already proven, the KIEMs were not the primary source of the results.

The access on the servers also tell their own story. If KIEMs kits were used in the transmission, the Supreme Court audit would have revealed 40,883 successful logins as each devise had a specific ID that would authenticate it to lodge results. One more thing, once a KIEMs kit had delivered its one result, it couldn’t work anymore. Its job was done. The audit revealed that the Access control list provided for only 341 users logins. Not the 40,883 especially if each KIEMs kit was registered as a unique user. Possible conclusion? The results on the IEBC servers were forgeries. No KIEMs kit accessed the server. 341users are the ones who posted, amended, uploaded Form 34As. 9,934 of the logins were done by Chebukati’s address alone. He claims this was done without his knowledge.

According to the Supreme Court partial audit, these 341 users repeatedly logged in between 6th August and 22nd August altering, deleting and uploading new results. What was supposed to be a one day voting exercise for millions of Kenyans, instead became 16 days of voting by 341 individuals who apparently decided what the final presidential election results would be.

Suddenly its easier to understand why IEBC officials, by their own admission, were filling and scanning Form 34As at Bomas of Kenya instead of offloading already filled and scanned forms from their own portal transmitted by the KIEMs kits from across the country.

It now explains why most of IEBCs Forms 34As and Forms 34Bs had no security features designated in the contract with Dubai’s Al Ghurair. They were not the original forms that were used on election day.

It also figures why the mandatory declaration of Presidential results at the constituency level and issuance of Form 34B at that stage was never done.
That satellite phones purchased to transmit results from all 290 Constituencies and 47 County Tallying centers were never used adds credence to one thing – results were not transmitted from the field – there was no need to – and were generated in Nairobi by rogue IEBC officials.

Important to note is that IEBC has refused to comply with the Supreme Court order that granted opposition access to server details and records of each KIEMs kit i.e. IP Addresses, IMEI number, SIM Card number. These details will pin point where each kit was, what it did on the night of 8th Aug.

A final twist to wind up the bizarre story. A court official who participated in the Supreme Court ordered scrutiny conceded that IEBC presented 41,451 forms 34A for constituency results. That is strange. The official number of gazetted polling stations for the 2017 elections is 40,883. Suddenly Kenyans would discover that there were 568 extra polling stations whose identity and location were not known to anyone. Except the IEBC.

“A decision is hereby issued that the elections held on August 8, were not conducted in accordance with the Constitution and the applicable law. The results are therefore invalid, null and void,” said Chief Justice David Maraga in Kenya’s Supreme Court ruling.

Kenyans woke up to vote for a President on August 8th 2017. Those votes did not count. And were not counted.

If an election consists of voting, counting, tallying and declaration of results, it is time Kenyans faced up to the painful truth – There was no election for President on August 8th.

Politics of Betrayal

Picture of Daniel Moi and Pr. George Saitoti.

POLITICS Sensing Betrayal, Ruto Rises To The Occasion Against Uhuru

Having been the longest-serving Kenyan VP, and a close friend of the then President Moi, Prof. George Saitoti had been secretly gunning for the presidency. He had thought his loyalty to the totalitarian leader had earned him the consideration and that he would easily endorse him as Moi went to retirement. The shock on him, Moi planned a marriage with Raila and had Uhuru Kenyatta in his mind as his preferred heir to the throne.

The reality would hit Saitoti later in at Kasarani where the disappointed and furious VP when he realised his dreams had been shattered, took to the microphone at the Kasarani and made his now most famous political speech: “I know there are many of you who wanted me to contest, is that not so?” he asked the delegates. “There come (sic) a time when the nation is more important than an individual…but one day I will be proved right.”

By working outside the Rift Valley elite, Prof Saitoti naively thought he could marshal support and that, as the vice-president, his appointment to a senior party position was a given. What Prof Saitoti did not know, however, was that his fall had been choreographed at State House by some key Rift Valley elite and erstwhile associates.

Another person who was to fall with him was then Kanu Secretary-General Joseph Kamotho, whose position was to be taken by Mr. Odinga. Neither got the wind of what lay ahead. It was a few months to the Kanu presidential nominations and Raila thought this would be his crowning moment if he combined the Kanu block of votes with the ones in Nyanza — a dangerous gamble. Pundits say the problem with Saitoti was that he had very few confidantes. That day, he was horrified to find out that his name was not in the line-up.

He walked over to Mr. Moi and, according to multiple sources, complained loudly about it. It was the first time that many of his friends had seen him complain bitterly. But Moi dismissed him with: “Kimya (shut up!) Professor, if your name is not on the list, it is not there.” Saitoti left a hurt man and felt betrayed by the person (Moi) and people (presumed friends) he least expected.

Politics and betrayal go in hand as they say it is nothing personal just business. When Raila and Kibaki signed a memorandum of understanding for Kibaki to serve only one term and leave for Raila, we all bought it until Kibaki threw his ‘friend’ under the bus and ran for a second term. Closer is the shortest deal in political history when Uhuru endorsed Mudavadi for the presidency only to withdraw it hours later.

With these realities that can’t be ignored, the rather glamorous marriage between Uhuru and Ruto couldn’t be as glittering after all. Ruto’s Friends Fear Uhuru Stab In The Back. However, this is not something new, many of Central politicians have been low-key speaking about it, Ex-Governor of Kiambu even publicly said Kikuyus will reconsider their support to Ruto after 2017.

However, it is not like Samoei one of the Machiavellian politicians of these times is completely aware of silent talks and betrayal schemes. One of his senior aides once told me, “Ruto is not naive he knows all these you’re telling me about and has an exit plan God forbid should it get there.”

UhuRuto marriage was crafted on circumstances as The two found themselves hinged at The ICC Fulcrum, it has been referred to as The marriage of convenience. The return of Peter Munya to Jubilee has unsettled Rift Valley. Uasin Gishu leaders meeting in a posh hotel yesterday see the hand of Gideon Moi. Some feel that a betrayal would be fate. Now that Ruto tried to impose Buzeki as Governor. Political observers say there’s mounting pressure on Uhuru to win the fresh elections. Win or win.

Yet money is low in the camp. And those funding the rerun have conditions attached to their generosity. Whispers in Central Kenya ask, “Who’s next to come 2022?” Those who aim to ascend to power wish to cut all links with Gatundu and Moses Kuria. “The man never knows when to shut up! He shall sink alone,” they say. Mursik has a sour taste.

In the Rift, there’s that tired and run-down feeling. The bread basket of Kenya wants to plough their fields. Continue with the construction of tall buildings in their jewel, Eldoret. They would if
Kenya was not so caught up in the election fever. Ruto’s confidantes Murkomen and Duale feel they have sacrificed much to be cut off now.

By now many must have noticed the public display of anger by the President has gone down, instead, Ruto is a walking inferno. According to heavy political intelligence captured by Kenya Insights, Uhuru is continuously growing tired of fights with Raila and considering getting into a coalition government with him if that’s what it will take for him to maintain the presidency. During the Supreme Court proceedings, Uhuru through his lawyer told the court he was willing to form a nusu mkate or an inclusive government with Raila. But Ruto can’t hear any of that as he knows such a situation would share off the limelight from him just when he needs it most ahead of 2022.

“These people refused to open the IEBC servers for it would expose the rot it holds and in line evaporate the legitimacy of Uhuru, they sacrificed the presidency now you think sacrificing few seats for Raila to calm down would be too much?” One of my sources placed deep in Jubilee posed to me.

Recently, the President bragged about having majority numbers in both houses; Parliament and Senate enough to martial for changes in the constitution. Amongst key considerations is cutting off the term limits from two to lifetime for the presidency. This brought fear and excitement to Ruto at the same time, excitement because it would mean after 2022, he could rule as long as he lives and fears that his partners would take advantage and short change him to a political oblivion.

DP Ruto’s Karen home has been a hub of late night meeting with his loyalists mostly from the Rift Valley strategizing on the next move. Ruto we learn has vowed to never allow Jubilee / Raila partnership. It is through the DP’s intervention that IEBC CEO, Ezra Chiloba was reinstated and even charged to oversee the August election. The CEO who is said to be largely responsible for bungling the election has already been endorsed by Jubilee to oversee election and NASA rejecting saying there won’t be an election until he exists. One doesn’t want to think hard on the insistence to retain Chiloba by Ruto.

Ruto and a section of his loyalists in a happy mood after the meeting with IEBC officials at the Anniversary Towers in Nairobi.

The DP we learn is going out of his limits to ensure they win the election even though Uhuru has lost confidence, he is on record sensing defeat that they’ll impeach President Odinga. Perhaps the clearest indicator of the rift in Jubilee played out recently in public without many noticing it. When Jubilee paid a visit the IEBC, he was only accompanied by his loyalists from Rift Valley and very few from the other side. This was a simple hint of something unusual going on. It is difficult to read any misunderstanding between the two principals given their public display of romance.

Fool me once shame on you. Fool me twice. How tough is tough. The people in Sugoi and Kapsabet’s kiosks are wondering. “Kwani nini imefanyikia Samoei Ruto?” “Alikuwa anapigania katiba na haki. Sasa anasema katiba ni mbaya! Maraga ni mbaya!”
This sentiment and the alternative of a Moi and Munya presidency come 2022 has a few old men
smiling.

The young leaders around Ruto feel threatened. They should be. Gideon Moi has the image of a fair man. He is urbane, knows the constitution and loves law and order. Favourable attitudes which arouse admiration in villages and cities. From Kabartonjo to Kericho. Others fear a repeat of history. If it were not for James Kanyotu, George Kariithi and Attorney General Charles Njonjo: Daniel Toroitich Arap Moi would never have been president. And DP
Ruto has few powerful friends.

Oil rises above the water. To DP Ruto’s credit, he has risen fast. Too fast. With many pushed aside and stepped on. An I-can-do-all-things attitude. He forgets that you need people. The loyal ones around him see the faint writing on the wall of history. DP Ruto cannot see it at all. They know the Jubilee Treaty is a monstrous lie. Failing in strength and health every day we near 2022.

A dangerous stewardship. Kipchumba Murkomen is the man on the hot seat. Tasked by Rift Valley’s leaders to guide the ship, MV Samoei, come 2022 into State House. In reference to Gideon Moi, they warn, “A man may be down but he’s never out.”

If we’re to borrow a leaf from the history then we can say the fire is just getting started. Power is not given but taken, with all factors constant, Ruto must stretch beyond his limits if he aims to capture power. Knowing the man in question, I can tell this battle is just getting started. You ever stayed in a relationship that is completely off and hanging on a string? Both of you having lost the mojo but just hold on to it for the admirals from your friends? You ever chewed a gun till it lost taste but you keep on going just to keep your mouth busy? Well, Ruto and Uhuru might not show any signs of mistrust and displeasure in public, in fact, you’ll keep seeing them happily appearing together but keep in mind, behind every smile there’s underlining cause. Time will finish this story.

The Prayers of The Children of God Against the Forces of Darkness.

Wanjiku you don’t understand the anger of President Uhuru Kenyatta. You see, for Jubilee the script was already written:

Send military officers to opposition zones, especially Nyanza with the expectation that the judges of SCOK will yield to threats, bribery, and intimidation and uphold the election of Uhuru and Ruto on Friday.

After the announcement of the verdict (which Jubilee was 100% would favour them hence the accept the verdict of the Court jargon from Jubilee on Wednesday) the military officers would kill a few opposition supporters from Friday into Saturday, put their bodies in body bags and throw them in lake Victoria.

The jubilee scribes in the media was to demonize Dr. Odinga and his supporters for not accepting the verdict of the court and always inciting violence. Jubilee had procured rent seekers and political commentators to propagate their narrative in TVs which was to be beamed into our homes and houses.

On Sunday, their rented Pastors had been instructed to offer their pulpits as the platforms from which their gospel of “peace” and leaders accepting the verdict of independent institutions was to be preached.

Kenyans would have been treated to regurgitations of memorized Bible verses of how “god” did miracle to Jubilee and gave them victory. Supporters of Jubilee would have told the whole country how “god” vindicated their god fearing and humble president.

And with that, we would have all been duped by our holy leaders. Those affected by injustice would have been told that in any elections, there are winers and losers, and that losers should accept the “will” of the majority and move on. After all, the EU, International observers, Africa observers had given the elections a clean bill of health and Jubilee has a huge majority of seats in both Houses of Parliament.

But then shit happened. As Uhuru was talking about “god” his mother, accompanied by tens of magicians from the Kikuyu tribe and some brought in from Tanga and Zanzibar, was killing goats and sheep, offering their blood and flesh as sacrifices to appease their gods.

Elsewhere in homes and houses across the country, millions of Kenyans were summoning heaven to intervene of their behalf and provide Justice. Genuine Christians prayed and fasted for the will of Jehovah to prevail and that the judges of SCOK be guided by the laws and wisdom to do the right thing.

Then the SCOK, guided by a man of God pronounced Justice.

Prayers of Millions of Kenyans was answered as the blood of Jesus prevailed over the blood of goats offered in the village of Ichaweri.

Uhuru and Ruto are now terrified because they are being revealed for who they truly are- wolves in sheep clothing. Their fake humility and godliness is disappearing before Kenyans.

The conflict in kenya is spiritual and the powers of darkness that have camouflaged themselves as angels are now being revealed.

And in 60 days, the unmasking of Uhuru and Ruto will have been finished. God is raising Joshua as president to deliver his people.

Uhuru and Ruto are angry because tomorrow on Sunday, they will not have the opportunity to mislead Kenyans on who they really are-Demons hiding behind Christianity.”

The Dark and Lonely Nights

I couldn’t believe my ears, I broke down crying when the CJ said that the elections were riddled with irregularities. I thought maybe I wasn’t hearing right or the Chief Justice had made a simple mistake.

The reality started to sink deep, I was right after all Everyone was happy chanting songs of praise and jubilation, the youths with extra energy were running in the streets, women were screaming not in agony -but in a sense of happiness. The Kenyan glory had been restored even the birds in the air were flying freely, peace was evidently evitable, but with all the gloating happiness some people were still in disbelief. We have suffered months of insults and harassment in all its form, government machineries, on social media besides the ruling community unjustified bullying. One month of sorrow. The Kenyan Church took the side of oppression and told us to be “neutral.” Businesses forgot the humanity of their customers and told us to be “peaceful.” We suffered nights of silence when we wondered how the whole machinery of the state could be so loud and rally whole regions against us these were the darkest days of a lifetime. A darkest time of being a father,but could not protect the family from police brutality or feed your own family, the darkest moments when you are truly a mother but cannot stop bullet from the police gun from consuming your only Six month old baby. But we knew that accepting injustice is not neutrality, neither is it peace. We were powerful in our conviction, not in supporting the state,but standing up for justice and the rule of law. We knew it was a tall order that would come with dare consequences, but the conversation and the determination and courage was overwhelmingly unstoppable. We believed that no one will and CANNEVER stop an idea whose time was ripe. We kept on pushing for justice on social media, door to door, on the radios- mainstream media while keeping out of harm’s way.

Celebration After the court Ruling.

Our happiness is also mourning. We mourn for the assassinated brothers and sisters Chris Msando, Maryanne Ngumbu, Carol Odiga, Samantha Moraa, Orenge Nyabicha and Baby Pendo amongst the un identifed people killed and placed in the body bags and dumped in the deep Lake of Victoria.While the feeling of wastefulness, aimlessness, Purposelessness and no where to seek for help! We are still hurting from the insults and taunting we received from all walks of life:- Police, social media harassment, isolation. We mourn for those who thought, and probably still think, that they are legitimated by the state, rather than we the people giving the state its legitimacy. We are not simply happy. We’re celebrating a break from the belligerence of the private capital that has held the Kenyan state captive, because this election alone was proof that the deep state hasn’t given up its evil plans to undermine the people of Kenya. The struggle continues.

Baby Pendo Fighting for her life In ICU.

We’re not simply happy. We’re joyful. Joy is an expression of strength despite being beaten down. Of relief from constant harassment. Of disbelief when we still have faith. This is joy. Which is our strength. God bless Kenya and let’s make Kenya great again a better and blessed place to cherish and to live in.

By Joseph Ponde Odak.

NASA Strategy Enhancement

​

NASA must immediately stop the celebrations, enough already. I would hate to be here 60 days later lamenting and crying over what we could have done.

Jubilee is more superior in terms of strategy, and we must now talk, strategy, strategy, strategy not Tibim, tialala or siarara.

We must immediately interrogate the perfomance of the NASA secretariat, retain the perfomers and let go the joyriders, elections are not won they are crafted, woven, and seamlessly put together, clear messages must be packaged from the HQ and disseminated to every county and corner. The old the young, the disabled, the jobless, the women, the hopeless must be invigorated and feel catered for.

Many of the NASA Governors and MPs who were “rigged” out by this incompetent, filthy, and weak IEBC must be encouraged to appeal and fight for truth.

Msando’s widow must be brought on board to join the journey to Canaan, her eloquent voice must reverbarate across our nation, as a proof that evil will never triumph, that the truth shall never be silenced.

That NASA must unequivocally demand within the next one week the disbandment and prosecution of the IEBC and its commissioners. Chilobae must be recruiting to a modelling agency not anywhere near managing an election. Shindwe !

​

Raila must immediately constitute 47 county secretariats, to run, guide and manage his campaign and be responsible for crafting relevant campaign messages that must be distributed in local radio stations, churches, villages, rallies, house to house etc.

That God must be elevated to the centre at all times. Let a campaign like no other be rolled out and the main message must be Truth vs lies, light vs darkness.

A historic decision at the courts must be followed by a historic decision at the ballot.

State Terror: What Really Happened In Kisumu After IEBC Declaration Of Uhuru’s Win Revealed

Police Deployment at the national Talling Center at Bomas of Kenya

Kenya’s presidential election on August 8, 2017 was marred by serious human rights violations, including unlawful killings and beatings by police during protests and house-to-house operations in western Kenya, Human Rights Watch has said. At least 12 people were killed and over 100 badly injured.

Kenyan authorities should urgently investigate the crimes, and ensure that officers found to have used excessive force are held to account.

“The brutal crackdown on protesters and residents in the western counties, part of a pattern of violence and repression in opposition strongholds, undermined the national elections,” said Otsieno Namwaya, Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch. “People have a right to protest peacefully, and Kenyan authorities should urgently put a stop to police abuse and hold those responsible to account.”

Human Rights Watch conducted research in western Kenya during and after the election. Researchers interviewed 43 people, including victims of police beatings and shootings, in Kisumu and Siaya counties; examined bodies in mortuaries in Kisumu and Siaya counties; and visited victims at Jaramogi Oginga Odinga Teaching and Referral Hospital (Russia Hospital) in Kisumu.

On August 11, following the announcement of Uhuru Kenyatta’s victory at the polls, opposition supporters in Nairobi, Coast, and the western counties of Kisumu, Siaya, Migori, and Homabay protested with chants of “Uhuru must go.” Police responded in many areas with excessive force, shooting and beating protesters in Nairobi and western Kenya or carrying out abusive house-to-house operations.

On August 12, the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights reported that the police had killed at least 24 people nationwide, including one in Kisumu and 17 in Nairobi. The number is most likely much higher, as Kenyan media were slow in reporting on the violence and families have been afraid to speak out.

Mild protests and political tension surfaced in parts of western Kenya and Nairobi on August 9, following allegations by the opposition leader, Raila Odinga, that the electoral commission’s system had been hacked and polling results manipulated in favour of Kenyatta. The protests intensified on August 11, when the electoral commission declared Kenyatta the winner. Odinga has challenged the results in court, with the verdict due by September 1.

In western Kenya, police fired teargas canisters and water cannons to disperse protesters, who threw stones and other crude objects at police. Protesters also blocked roads with stones, burned tires, and lit fires on the roads.

On August 11 and 12, police carried out house-to-house operations. Residents said that police asked for any men in the house and beat or shot them. Police also fired teargas canisters and water cannons in residential areas. Human Rights Watch confirmed through multiple sources that police killed at least 10 people, including a 6-month-old baby, in Kisumu county alone. In neighboring Siaya county, police fatally shot a protester near the town of Siaya and beat a 17-year-old boy to death in the outskirts of Ugunja, as they pursued crowds of protesters into the villages. Human Rights Watch found no evidence that protesters were armed or acted in a manner that could justify the use of such force.

In the town of Kisumu, hospital staff and county government officials confirmed that at least 100 people, mostly men, were seriously injured in the beatings and shootings. Many others did not go to a hospital for treatment for fear of being further targeted or arrested. As of August 17, at least 92 people with serious injuries, including 3 women who said police raped them, had not sought any medical help, according to Edris Omondi, the chairperson of the makeshift Kisumu county Disaster Management Center that was registering those affected by the violence and police abuses.

Residents of Obunga, Nyalenda, Nyamasaria, Arina, Kondele, and Manyatta neighborhoods in Kisumu told Human Rights Watch that during house-to-house operations, officers broke down doors; beat residents; stole money, phones and television sets; and sexually harassed women. Many town residents fled to a nearby school for the night, only to return to find their possessions looted, presumably by police. Police denied any role in the looting and claimed that criminals were responsible.

On August 12, the acting cabinet secretary for interior and coordination of the national government, Dr. Fred Matiang’i, denied that police used live bullets or excessive force against protesters and blamed criminals for looting. “Some criminal elements took advantage of the situation to loot property,” he said. “The police responded and normalcy has returned in the affected areas. The right to demonstrate should be carried out in a peaceful manner and without destroying property.

International law and Kenya’s own constitution protect the right to freedom of assembly and expression, and prohibit excessive use of force by law enforcement officials. The United Nations Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms say that law enforcement officials should use force only in proportion to the seriousness of the offense, and the intentional use of lethal force is permitted only when strictly unavoidable to protect life.

The principles also say that governments should ensure that arbitrary or abusive use of force and firearms by law enforcement officials is punished as a criminal offense. Superior officers should be held responsible if they knew, or should have known, that personnel under their command resorted to the unlawful use of force and firearms, but did not take all measures in their power to prevent, suppress, or report such use.

Kenyan police have a long history of using excessive force against protesters, especially in the western counties such as Kisumu, Siaya, Migori, and Homabay, where Odinga has had solid support for over 20 years. In the 2007 post-election violence, during which more than 1,100 people were killed, most of the more than 400 people shot by police were in the Nyanza region, which includes those counties.

In 2013, Human Rights Watch documented at least five cases of apparently unlawful police killings of demonstrators in Kisumu protesting a Supreme Court decision that affirmed Kenyatta’s election as president. And in June 2016, police killed at least five and wounded another 60 demonstrators in Kisumu, Homabay, and Siaya counties who called for the firing of electoral commission officials implicated in cases of corruption abroad.

Yet, accountability for police abuses has been sorely missing, Human Rights Watch said.

The Independent Policing Oversight Authority (IPOA), a civilian police accountability institution, has investigated many abuses in the Nyanza region. In September 2016, the Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions opened a public inquest into the 2013 police shootings in Kisumu. But these efforts have not resulted in any prosecutions of the police officers implicated in what appeared to be unlawful killings and maiming of protesters in western Kenya.

The government of Kenya should publicly acknowledge and condemn any and all recent unlawful and unnecessary police killings and shootings, Human Rights Watch said. Donors to the Kenyan government should support police accountability systems, particularly the Independent Policing Oversight Authority, in investigating the recent violence and releasing their findings to the public.

“With tensions still running high as the country awaits the court’s decision on the opposition’s petition, Kenyan authorities need to be vigilant in preventing more police abuses and upholding the right to peaceful protest,” Namwaya said. “Kenyans should be able to express their grievances without being beaten or killed by police.”

On August 8, Kenya held its second presidential election since the disputed 2007 election that resulted in violence in which more than 1,100 people were killed and another 650,000 displaced. Within hours after the initial results started streaming live on television on August 9, 2017, but before the electoral commission announced Uhuru Kenyatta’s victory, the leading opposition candidate, Raila Odinga, expressed concerns that the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission’s (IEBC) server had been hacked and presidential results that were streaming in had been manipulated.

Following these allegations and the August 11 declaration that Kenyatta had won, opposition supporters in the capital, Nairobi, in western Kenya, and in parts of the coastal region took to the streets in protest. Victims and witnesses told Human Rights Watch that Kenyan police responded violently, hurling teargas canisters and water cannons in residential areas and using lethal fire.

Human Rights Watch interviewed 43 people in Kisumu and Siaya counties about the events, including, among others, victims and witnesses.

Achieng helplessly watching over her baby Pendo while in a comma at Aga Khan hospital, Kisumu

On August 11 and 12, according to victims of police beatings and witnesses to the events, police conducted house-to-house operations in the town of Kisumu, using lethal fire against unarmed protesters, violently storming into homes at night, looking for and beating mainly men, extorting money, stealing electronic goods, and in some cases raping women. In Siaya county, police dispersed crowds of protesters at market centers along Kisumu’s Busia Road and pursued them into villages, throwing teargas into homes and beating residents.

Killings by Police in Kisumu and Siaya Counties

Human Rights Watch interviewed family members and witnesses to at least 12 killings by police, 10 in Kisumu county and two in neighboring Siaya county, in the former Nyanza region of western Kenya. Some occurred as police tried to suppress protests, but others occurred during house-to-house operations or in places with no protests.

While some victims were protesters, others were not and were either caught up in the violence or attacked inside their homes. A 33-year-old man from the Obunga neighborhood said police found him and friends standing outside his house on the morning of August 12, and started shooting at them without talking to them. “They arrived in a Land Cruiser that was followed in the air by a helicopter and they just started firing at us: They did not even want to know what we were doing outside my house. We had to run for dear life.”

In Kisumu county, Human Rights Watch saw six bodies that witnesses described as victims of police shootings and beatings, four of them in the Jaramogi Oginga Odinga Hospital, also known as the Russia Hospital, mortuary. Two young men in their teens from the Nyaori area had gunshot wounds. A witness said that police came into the homes of the two teens, Onyango Otieno and Ochieng Gogo, on the morning of August 12, beat them, then told them to run away and shot them in the back: “As they were running away, police shot them at the back and took their bodies away.”

According to relatives and witnesses, two others died from police beatings on the night of August 11 in the Kondele area. Lennox Ochieng, a 27-year-old man, was beaten to death by police in his house in the Kondele neighborhood. Another body, described in hospital records as “unknown male alias Kimoko,” had bullet wounds, but witnesses could not describe the circumstances of his death.

Another victim, 35-year-old David Ochieng, was shot while he was protesting on the night of August 11. An acquaintance who was with him during protests said he saw police shoot him around 11 p.m. as he threw stones at the police. “The bullet went through his right ear and came out through the other side,” the acquaintance said. “He could not talk at the time we took him to hospital but he could communicate through signs. He gave us the phone contacts of his next of kin by writing in the air using signs.” Ochieng died in the hospital on the morning of August 13.

Six-month-old Samantha Pendo was another victim. Eye witnesses told researchers that on August 11, police violently attacked her family, kicking, slapping, and beating with gun butts and batons everyone in the house, including the baby. A nurse at Aga Khan Hospital said that the baby had a fractured skull and was in critical condition. The baby died in the hospital on August 16.

Police carried out the house-to-house operations in Kisumu, as well as villages in Kisumu and Siaya counties. Residents of the village of Dago said that on the night of August 11, police officers attached to the Dago police post, 25 kilometers north of Kisumu, started firing at villagers strolling on the road, unaware of the protests in other parts of Kisumu. In the process, they said a police officer shot 21-year-old Vincent Omondi Ochieng, who was working with Elections Observations Group (ELOG), a Kenyan organization that has observed the past two elections.

“Vincent and his younger uncle were returning from watching a football game at a few minutes past midnight when police officers, who were hiding at Bar Union Primary School, started shooting at them,” said his aunt, who lived nearby. “His uncle told us that Vincent was on phone and the first two shots startled him and he fell. It was the third shot that killed him.” Human Rights Watch researchers observed the bullet wound in his chest in the heart area.

While Human Rights Watch confirmed the killings described above, the death toll in Kisumu county could be higher. Many witnesses and family members were afraid of speaking up or even going to the hospital, while others said they could not immediately establish the whereabouts of their relatives.

In Kisumu’s Nyamasaria neighborhood, for example, witnesses and relatives of a young man who was shot dead near Well Petrol Station on the night of August 11 declined to be interviewed out of fear of victimization. In Nyalenda, a family said it could not trace two young men three days after initial protests. In Siaya county, demonstrations also turned violent as police dispersed protesters and carried out search operations in the villages. Evidence given to Human Rights Watch suggests that police killed two young men.

In Siaya county, relatives and two witnesses said that on August 12, police beat to death 17-year-old Kennedy Juma Otieno, after pursuing him from Kisumu’s Busia Road, where they had dispersed protesters with teargas. Human Rights Watch and Kenya National Commission on Human Rights members saw his body in the Sega Mission Hospital Mortuary in Siaya county. His hand, head, and face were swollen.

Relatives and a witness said that police shot and killed Zacchaeus Okoth, a 21-year-old man from Anduro village, Siaya county, on the night of August 11, as the police used teargas and live bullets to disperse crowds of protesters after the announcement of Kenyatta’s victory.

Beatings of Protesters and Residents in Kisumu
On the night Kenyatta was declared the winner, the electricity went off in some parts of Kisumu, plunging residential areas into darkness just as police began door-to-door operations that targeted mainly men for attacks, according to victims of beatings interviewed by Human Rights Watch. At least 100 people were injured by gunshots and beatings.

A police officer in Kisumu said that a combined team of officers from various police units, such as the General Service Unit, Quick Response Team of the Administration Police, Border Patrol, Special Crime Prevention Unit, and Kenya Wildlife Service officers were responsible for the operations. The officers were drawn from several counties and were ferried to Kisumu neighborhoods days before the announcement of presidential results. Plainclothes officers, whom Kisumu residents suspected to be from the directorate of criminal investigations, swarmed the neighborhoods before the demonstrations started.

Multiple witnesses, including those who said they were victims of police beatings in Nyamasaria, Arina, Kondele, Manyatta, and Car Wash neighborhoods, said police responded to the “Uhuru must go” chant with teargas and gunfire. They said police dispersed with teargas any groups of more than three people, even people who were not protesters. International human rights law and Kenya’s constitution guarantee the right of peaceful assembly.

House-to-house operations began soon after the electricity went off. A 32-year-old father of two and resident of Nyalenda said: “Police started throwing teargas in the neighborhood, sometimes even in the houses, and shooting.”

At 11 a.m. on August 12, according to witnesses, police carried out a door-to-door operation in Arina estate, beating men and children and sexually harassing women. A 17-year-old high school student said she was among a group of people the police beat that day for no reason: “I was in the house with my younger brother when police kicked the door open and started beating and stepping on me. They then went to the neighbor where they beat a lady there and her brother.”

Police raided the home of a 35-year-old freelance photographer in Obunga estate and beat him severely: “They broke into my house and started beating me. They were hitting mainly the joints – knee, shoulder, arms, head, and back. They stepped on me for a while and then left me lying there, unable to walk. They broke my rib.”

Human Rights Watch interviewed 20 victims of police beatings and gunshot injuries during the protests and during house-to-house operations in Kisumu alone.

From the hospital records, at least 27 people with injuries were admitted at Jaramogi Oginga Odinga Teaching and Referral Hospital (Russia Hospital) on August 11 and 12. On August 17, officials of a makeshift Disaster Management Center told Human Rights Watch that they had registered an additional 92 victims of police beatings and shootings who were yet to seek treatment at any hospital due to fear of reprisal.

Edris Omondi, the head of Disaster Management Center, said: “Some of them have very serious injuries like broken legs, arms and ribs. Others cannot walk or eat at all and they will need urgent medical attention.”

Extortion and Theft from Kisumu Residents
Many witnesses said the police broke into their houses and demanded money or simply stole money and electronic items.

In Arina, a 30-year-old woman said that on August 12, police took Ksh5,000 (US$50) from her and another Ksh2,000 (US$19) from her brother. A 15-year-old girl in Arina said that on the same day police kicked the door to their house open and started beating her with gun butts and batons and stepping on her. The officers took Ksh2,200 (US$21) meant for buying charcoal and food.

In Obunga neighborhood, many families fled the harassment and beatings to seek refuge at Kudho Primary School on the night of August 11. Many said that when they returned home, they found electronics such as radio receivers and television sets and money missing, and presumed that police were responsible.

Those who reported the theft to the nearest police stations in Kondele, Nyamasaria, and Obunga said police were unwilling to investigate and said that thieves had stolen the goods.

“Police are telling us that it was the thieves who stole our items from the houses,” said a mother of three from Nyamasaria. “But which thieves were these when everyone had either run away, was writhing in pain and unable to walk, or dead?”

Additionally, Kisumu governor has revealed that 17 bodies were removed from Jaramogi Hospital Mortuary, buried at a mass grave in Mamboleo before being exhumed as an after thought and drowned in Lake Victoria by the police. Anyang’ Nyong’o has described it as a genocide. Clearly, the truth couldn’t be any further given the highest levels of evil operations. One wonders why a legitimate win would attract such a magnitude of violent cleansing. A healing wound of ethnic isolation might Have just been opened afresh by such terror unleashed on the Luo land by the same government that that supposed to protect them. The operation style by The police including home invasions, shooting from behind of victims clearly shows the motive was more than maintaining peace but ensuring lives lost, clobbering of an infant of 6 months is in itself revealing the face of heartless, death agents deployed to Kisumu. It stinks to high peaks.

SONKO FACED WITH A BIG TASK TWO WEEKS AFTER HE TOOK OATH OF OFFICE AS NAIROBI GOVERNOR.

Hawkers in the Nairobi CBD.

After being sworn in office, Sonko stated clearly that Nairobi will never be the same again. It’s now true that Nairobi CBD has since changed. The street families have taken over the city with some even getting to the main uptown streets.
The streets are no longer safe as they used to be as the street families sometimes become rowdy, harass and rob innocent passers-by.
Hawkers have hijacked most of the streets. In fact the town center has totally changed and now looks like Gikomba Market with Makokoteni parked on parking lots like cars.
Is this what Sonko meant when he said Nairobi will never be the same again…

Your Vote Must Count.

#NoMovingON
The history of freedom is a history of struggle of the people to have the right to vote; from the poor in feudal Europe, to women across the world, to black people in the United States of America, to religious minorities and of course colonized people all over the world, freedom came with the right to vote.

The vote, freely cast and counted is a powerful weapon for the weak against the powerful.

History also tells us that the powerful never give up power and privilege without a fight.

Seven years ago, we gave ourselves a new Constitution in which we declared that sovereignty belongs to the people.

Not to the Government, not to the President, not to Parliament, not to the Courts but the people. Our sovereignty is individually and collectively expressed by voting for leaders of our choice.

The election we concluded two weeks ago was critical to restoring faith in the vote following two successive stolen elections.

It followed hard fought electoral reforms in which innocent Kenyans shed blood and lost lives.

The Jubilee administration fought tooth and nail to defeat those reforms. And when they could not stop the reforms, they plotted and executed the crudest electoral fraud since the mlolongo elections of 1988.

The only electoral fraud as crude as ours is the recent one in Azerbaijan where the results leaked before polling stations opened. With this election, our fledgling democracy has been subverted into a system now called electoral authoritarianism.

This is the system where dictators give a cloak of democratic respectability by organizing sham elections every four or five years. We are moving from bad to worse.

This time, the computer was set at 54 per cent in favour of the incumbent presidential candidate and other select gubernatorial races across the country. Next time it will set at 70. Few people will bother to vote after that. Thereafter, it will be life presidents elected with 98 percent of the vote.
We now find ourselves sharply divided between those who want us to accept and move on, and those who are not prepared to live under authoritarianism of any kind.

Dictatorships once established do not reform themselves. We belong in the category of those who refuse to give up our basic rights and civil liberties, the right to speak, to assemble, to protest, to organize, to travel freely in and out of the country, to criticize government without fear or favor, to live as free men and women.

As you are all be aware, we have reconsidered our position not to file a petition with the Supreme Court about the Presidential elections. It is important for Kenyans to understand why we resisted going to court, and why we have reconsidered it.

Elections should end with the counting of votes. The Supreme Court is made up of seven judges. The discretion of seven individuals, however wise, can neither represent nor substitute the voice of 15 million people.

Seven individuals can be intimidated, they can be compromised and they can make genuine mistakes. Kenyans are still trying to understand what exactly happened in the Supreme Court in 2013 when a decision about their votes was delivered in minutes and a paragraph.

Institutionalizing the determination of elections by courts is a deliberate cynical ploy to lend a cloak of legal respectability to fraud, subversion of democracy, and abuse of the court process. If we accept doing it this way, the courts will never allowed to be independent by those who want to rely on them to subvert the will of the people.

We had hoped that other individuals and organizations would move to the courts and at least offer Kenyans a chance to know the truth about what happened to their vote. But soon, it became clear that the Jubilee administration was determined to still all voices and keep Kenyans in the dark about the systematic theft of elections. Jubilee immediately cracked down on brave and independent organizations it merely suspected to be planning to go to court. And so we decided to move to court ourselves to give Kenyans a chance to know the truth.

Whichever way the court rules, the petition will not of itself cure electoral impunity. It will not bring to justice those who plotted and executed the theft of our votes. It will not bring to justice those who murdered Chris Musando in order to steal votes. It will not hold to account those who sought to cow us into submission by unleashing terror in Mathare, Kibera and Kisumu.

Stealing of elections in Kenya is a manifestation of the culture of political impunity.

The perpetrators of 2017 electoral theft were emboldened by the fact that those who stole the 2013 elections have gone unpunished. We saw some of them at the Bomas of Kenya; experts in electoral fraud supervising their second electoral fraud. And they are exporting their expertise to neighbouring countries that have picked up lessons from Kenya since the fraud of 2007.

The only thing that has ever worked against political injustice is people’s power.

Colonial subjugation, one-party dictatorship and the oppressive constitution were not outlawed by the courts. They were overcome by the people’s determined resistance.

And so today, here in Mombasa, we launch a national campaign for truth and electoral justice in Kenya. In this campaign we will affirm our commitment to freedom, the rule of law and democracy.

We will defend our political rights and democratic space. Let the agents of foreign powers exhorting us to accept and move on so that they can continue to have lackeys to do their bidding know that we will not accept inferior governance. We will resist and disobey illegitimate computer generated leaders and we will not relent until the voices of the people as expressed through the ballot are heard and respected. We will exercise our sovereignty and establish the just political order that we have envisioned in the constitution that we have given ourselves.

Then and only then shall the ambitions of our young, restless and ambitious leaders like Ali Hassan Joho, Peter Munya, Isaac Rutto, Amason Kingi, among others, ever have a chance of rising to the top of our political leadership.

Kenyan Secession Politics

Men are born and remain free and equal in rights. Social distinctions can be founded only on the common good. The goal of any political association is the conservation of the natural and imprescriptible rights of man. These rights are liberty, property, safety and resistance against oppression. The principle of any sovereignty resides essentially in the Nation. No body, no individual can exert authority which does not emanate expressly from it. Liberty consists of doing anything which does not harm others: thus, the exercise of the natural rights of each man has only those borders which assure other members of the society the enjoyment of these same rights. These borders can be determined only by the law. The law has the right to forbid only actions harmful to society. Anything which is not forbidden by the law cannot be impeded, and no one can be constrained to do what it does not order. The law is the expression of the general will. All the citizens have the right of contributing personally or through their representatives to its formation. It must be the same for all, either that it protects, or that it punishes. All the citizens, being equal in its eyes, are equally admissible to all public dignities, places, and employments, according to their capacity and without distinction other than that of their virtues and of their talents. No man can be accused, arrested nor detained but in the cases determined by the law, and according to the forms which it has prescribed. Those who solicit, dispatch, carry out or cause to be carried out arbitrary orders, must be punished; but any citizen called or seized under the terms of the law must obey at once; he renders himself culpable by resistance. The law should establish only penalties that are strictly and evidently necessary, and no one can be punished but under a law established and promulgated before the offense and legally applied. Any man being presumed innocent until he is declared culpable if it is judged indispensable to arrest him, any rigor which would not be necessary for the securing of his person must be severely reprimanded by the law. No Any man being presumed innocent until he is declared culpable if it is judged indispensable to arrest him, any rigor which would not be necessary for the securing of his person must be severely reprimanded by the law. 

Current Kenyan Map.

The free communication of thoughts and of opinions is one of the most precious rights of man: any citizen thus may speak, write, print freely, except to respond to the abuse of this liberty, in the cases determined by the law. The guarantee of the rights of man and of the citizen necessitates a public force: this force is thus instituted for the advantage of all and not for the particular utility of those in whom it is trusted For the maintenance of the public force and for the expenditures of administration, a common contribution is indispensable; it must be equally distributed to all the citizens, according to their ability to pay. Each citizen has the right to ascertain, by himself or through his representatives, the need for a public tax, to consent to it freely, to know the uses to which it is put, and of determining the proportion, basis, collection, and duration. The society has the right of requesting an account from any public agent of its administration. Any society in which the guarantee of rights is not assured, nor the separation of powers determined, has no Constitution. Property being an inviolable and sacred right, no one can be deprived of private usage, if it is not when the public necessity, legally noted, evidently requires it, and under the condition of a just and prior indemnity. Kenya has had a biased government from independence, especially since the two tribes that have ruled have deviated from the original plan set forth for the republic.I support secession from central republic so that true democracy can happen to the tribes that will be in the Western Republic.

The poor Reception of the Queen Mother in Kisumu.

Thiss leaflet was authored  by Oginga Odinga  to dissuade  the people of Nyanza from welcoming the  Queen Mother who visted Kisumu Town in February  1959. 
Odinga had himself drafted the leaflet, both in Luo and Kiswahili , and ordered the manager of Ramogi Press to print 600 copies.
The leaflet led to a quarrel between  Odinga and DO Makasembo who opposed its printing on the grounds that it would do no good and that people would visit Kisumu to see the Queen Mother  in any event and therefore the money used for printing would be wasted.
Although Ramogi Press was a brainchild of both Odinga and Achieng Oneko ,it was set up by funds from Luo Thrift and Trading Corporation  which also oversaw its operations. 
One week before the visit, over 300 leaflets had already been sent to Kakamega Kericho and Kisii. And when she  finally arrived the turn out was so poor that colonial officials  started blaming each other.
Messrs Lindsay and Watkins Pitchford ,two public relations officers from the information department  whose duties involved ensuring that Kenya Colony recieved  the most favourable publicity even when it meant telling lies ,were now the ones  siding with the press in attacking the  government  for the poor reception accorded to the Royal visitor in Kisumu.
Infact immediately the Governor of Kenya landed at Kisumu Airport to welcome the Royal guest ,Lindsay was the first one to tell him that the streets were empty and that people were being pulled off the streets by pickets organised by Odinga .These words were not expected to come from a public relations officer  working for the government. 
When   Hon W.Coutts  the Chief Secretary of Kenya and the man who was tasked with ensuring that the Royal visit was a success  tried to downplay the matter by giving the Governor a false impression that all was well ,Lindsay turned and called him a liar infront of the Governor. 
Back in Britain there were alot of disparaging reports especially in the “Daily Express”and the “Sunday Post” on how the Queen Mother was poorly recieved in Kisumu.
 While defending the lack of pomp splendour and colour in welcoming the Royal guest ,Hon Coutts revealed that “Luos never clap whenever  members of the Royal family pass by  because they consider it bad manners” and that’s why they chose not to clap  as the Queen Mother drove through the streets of Kisumu.This was somehow a lie.
He also pointed out that the total number of Europeans in Kisumu was only 600,that was a small community which couldn’t line up all Kisumu streets.
Hon Coutts went on to blame the two Government public relations officers for failing in their duties and making Odinga’s boycott campaign appear as a victory

Kenya in the Making.

Thiss monument which was erected in 1928 in memory of Africans who served in World War 1, was developed based on the images of three Kenyans who served in the war.
In the middle is Owuor K’Musenge who came from Sega in Ugenya.He later changed his name to Owuor Ali after converting to Islam.He died in Tororo where he had settled and his body brought back home in Ugenya for burial.
On the right is Muyoyo K’Osolo also from Ugenya Masiro Siaya county.
On the left is a man only named as an Akamba porter.
Talking of Homeguards ,no people in Luo Nyanza  served the Crown with alot of dedication like we the people of Ugenya and Alego.
We dominated the Colonial Police force and infantry battalions of Kings African Rifles together with the Kalenjin and Kamba.
Before independence the two  high ranking Africans in the Kenya Police were from Ugenya and Alego .They were Superintendent of Police Michael  Arrum (regular police)  from Ambira in Ugenya and Superintendent of Police  Peter Okola (CID) from Boro in Alego. 
SP Okola went on to become the first African Director of CID in 1965. Michael Arum should have become the first African Commissioner Kenya Police but he was dropped in favour of Ben Hinga for the sake of  regional balance .You know what i mean ? It was 50-50 or “bar wa bar” between Luos and Kikuyu at independence. 
We also produced some early colonial administrators like   Ezekiel Otieno Josiah MBE  from Ukwala in Ugenya Siaya County who was appointed a D.O in 1951 and the first African DC in Embu in 1959 ,Senior Chief Daudi Owino MBE also from Ukwala in Ugenya who was the Chief of Kaloleni Nairobi during the Colonial era.

The Rising Political Temperature in Africa

When her British husband ,Hughs Scotland, was arrested in the Congo in January 1965 ,she made several pleas to world leaders among them Jomo Kenyatta to secure his release.
Mr Scotland  who was a journalist had been driving around Leopoldville Congo with the British Consul  when he left the car to greet  Mr  Moise Tshombe, the Congolese Prime Minister, whom he had seen in the street .
Tshombe promptly ordered his arrest on seeing him.
The reason for his arrest was the information he had passed to American spy agents about  the address of Victoria hotel where Europeans were being detained  by the Congolese security forces
When Tshombe visited Rome to have an audience with the Pope ,Mrs Scotland  sent a telegram to His Holiness ,asking him to intervene on behalf of her husband who was now languishing in  a Congolese  prison after being found guilty of treason  . But this did not bring any result. 
After failing that,she  flew to Nairobi to enlist the help of Mzee Jomo Kenyatta who as a result of her pleading made two unsuccesful telegram appeals to Tshombe on her behalf and also warned her not to visit Leopoldville for her security.
She heeded Mzee’s advice and decided to stay in Nairobi ,however ,when she read in the newspapers that Tshombe had travelled to Bonn Germany  ,she straightaway booked her air ticket and left for Germany via London where  she booked into the same hotel as him , Tshombe,just  to catch his attention.
“Can i have a word with you?” She  asked Premier Tshombe when she eventually  met him in the hotel lobby.Tshombe just walked passed her with his party into the hotel lift without uttering a word.
She quickly wrote a note reading “can i see you?” and pushed it under Tshombe’s door.Mr Tshombe returned the note with a too busy to see you message.
But with grim endurance after failing  in Bonn,the 23 year old blonde decided to create another opportunity ,this time by booking a flight on the same plane as Tshombe and his party who were flying to West Berlin.
During the short flight she wrote a note to Tshombe which was delivered by a stewardess.
“He smiled at me in a most friendly way but refused to talk to me”, Mrs Scotland said about her encounter with Tshombe inside  the plane . She also managed to talk to  Congolese officials during the flight who assured her that her husband won’t be executed.
When reporters asked her whether she would be going back to Leopoldville where her husband was being detained awaiting execution,she replied :”I will decide when i return to Nairobi”, and  also emphasised that Mzee Jomo Kenyatta had warned her  against  travelling  to the Congo.

​HOUSING AFRICANS IN NAIROBI

KARIOKOR:
Brick cubicles completed in 1929  to house 2 single men.Monthly rental: Shs 4/- ,6/- ,7/-,8/-. It   had a capacity of 1,760 people ( 2 per room)
LODGING HOUSE QUARRY RD:
Completed in 1942 for temporary visitors to the city,but owing to shortage of accommodation ,it was used mainly for permanent dwellers .Monthly  rent was Shs 5/- per room or 45 cents per night  .Number of rooms 120. Capacity 3 people per room.
ZIWANI ESTATE :
Completed in 1945  for families by the City Council  .Number of houses 430 and 6 shops .Rent Shs 10/-, 12/-,15/- for one room  and Shs 16/- ,18/-,22/-,24/- for two rooms  .Shs 30/- ,35/- for three rooms .The estate had a reasonable capacity of 2,180 people translating to  5 people per house it also had  a city council  diary and a child welfare  clinic.
BONDENI  (abattoir loan extensions):
City council family houses completed in 1946 .Number of houses 110 .Monthly rental Shs 10/-,15/-,18/- and 35/-

Capacity 550 (5 per house)
SHAURI MOYO:
Stone houses completed in 1936 as a result of the clearance of Pangani slum and originally designed to house two to three adults  .It had 4 to 6 roomed houses with communal kitchens.Number of houses was 196 and number of rooms 1,057. Monthly rental was Shs 7/- and  9/- per room .Shs 15/- for temporary quarters .It had a dispensary ,a diary ,a pub ,a nusery school  and women’s spinning and sewing centre.It had a capacity of 3,171 persons  (3 per room)
KALOLENI:
Completed in 1947,number of houses 612.  Monthly rentals Shs 10/-, 12/-, 16/- 18/- 20/-, 22/- ,24/-  and 30/-. It had 11 shops ,a diary ,post office ,social centre ,a pub ,a stadium ,two primary schools and a child welfare clinic .Capacity  3,060 persons (5 per house).
PUMWANI  VILLAGE :
350 privately owned houses made of mud and wattle .Monthly stand rent payable to city council was Shs 10/-.Mainly used as lodging houses. It had a nusery school ,library ,mosque,   CMS Mission and primary school and a pub.  Capacity 9,450 persons ( 27 people per house)
STAREHE ESTATE :
Completed in 1947 for Government servants and their families only .Number of houses 578 .It had a social centre and a primary school owned by the government .Capacity 2,890 persons (5 per house).
BAHATI ESTATE:

 

Completed in 1952 . It was a single roomed dwelling originally designed to house 3 adults . It had  166 blocks each of 8 rooms. Monthly rental Shs 18/50 per room .Capacity  3,984 (3 per room).
GHOROFANI   Employers Housing Scheme:
Completed 1950 . 35 blocks of 16 rooms each leased to employers at a monthly rental of Shs 35/50 per room .Capacity 1,680  (3 per room).

15 more blocks added with a capacity of 720 people.

Scramble for Education in Europe.

On 17 March 1960 three Kenyans who were heading for further studies in East Germany at the behest of CMG Clement Michael George /Chiedo More Gem Argwings Kodhek were arrested in Gulu Uganda.
The three were Lucas Orembo and Randiek Wanjare who were brothers ,and Leo Ambrose Odiango.
Kodhek had secured scholarships for them through the efforts of George Okore Seda who was well established at the Karl Marx University Leipzig.
Because of the ongoing cold war, obtaining passports to travel to communist countries from British territories was almost impossible at the same time the journey was risky because it involved dodging customs officers to avoid being detected.
Aware of those risks ,Kodhek advised them that incase they were arrested then they should say that they were businessmen.
The plan was to get first to Cairo via Uganda and Sudan ,unfortunately they were arrested by the Uganda Police at Gulu while trying to cross the border.
The three had arrived at Gulu ,on the Uganda/Sudan border, by private hire car from Soroti. Enroute they had discussed with the Indian driver the possibility of travelling to the Sudan,but avoiding the custom’s post at Attiak.

The driver was to be a reliable person who would be prepared to drop them three miles from the border ,drive through the customs post and wait for them the other side.
Things changed when they saw an African police officer and decided to approach him thinking that he would be more sympathetic to them as a fellow African.
They told him frankly that they had important papers which they did not want customs to see and also Orembo did not want to be questioned by the customs as he had no passport.
But instead of helping them the officer radioed Gulu Special Branch and the three men were arrested.
During questioning at Gulu Police Station Wanjare and Odiango ,told the police that they were businessmen on the way to the Sudan to open up a market for selling African Curios ,whilst Orembo merely said he was accompanying his brother.
Wanjare then asked to go to the latrine, and on being taken attempted to swallow a letter they had in their possession written by Kodhek to Mr Mubarak Zarroug who was to guide them through Khartoum.
After spending two days in police custody Odiango and Orembo were released while Wanjare was sentenced to 3 months imprisonment for obstructing a police officer by trying to swallow the letter.
Wanjare had tried to defend himself by stating that he had heard of Kodhek but had no idea the letter was signed by him.

The History of Numbians of Kenya

THE NUBIANS AND KIBERA

In the early years of British administration  in Kenya it was deemed necessary to recruit Nubians from Sudan as soldiers for service in East Africa .
From then onwards their service in the British Army  was  indispensable .They served loyaly ,strenuously and devotedly appearing in many battle theatres including the two great wars .
Most of them died leaving behind dependants 
Faced with the problem of finding homes for these soldiers and their dependants ,Colonel  Brading .the commanding officer “B” and “C” company 3rd KAR  in which served Nubian soldiers at that time, worked hard for the government to settle them in 1912  on a land allocated to Kings African Rifles in 1904 .
This resulted  in the survey of Kibra which was gazetted as a military reserve in 1918.It consisted of 4,197.9 acres.

Since 1912 to 1928 the Nubians lived in this area under military control,but when the area was taken over by the civil administration in 1928 all sorts of troubles arose .
At some point ,they were almost moved to Kibiko Ngong ,an area which was still under dispute between the Maasai and the Kikuyu 
In Kibira  the Nubians  were not allowed to erect  any sort of buildings ,repair houses  , erect fences  or dig drains .Their relatives were also not allowed to stay with them  without the DC’s permission or be buried in their cemetry.
Parts of their Kibira reserve were also hived off by the Nairobi Municipality which took part of it for the erection of Woodley Estate, while Langata Prison annexed part of it to build a quarry. Royal Nairobi Golf Club and the British Legion also encroached on Kibra reserve.
Between 1948 and 1949 The East Africa Railways and Harbours destroyed several houses and shambas on the grounds of aligning the Nairobi-Nakuru railway line.
Among those whose houses  were demolished and properties destroyed  were:Musa Saghaer Mohamed Abduges,Mohamed Marjan ,Dafalla Mustafa, Weleseme Abdul Faraj,Abdulrahman Rizgalla, Suleiman Ahmed, Hawa Bint Mwana (widow), Juma Suleman Nasor, Hamisa Bint Abdurahman and Ghasim Saghair, whilst Suleman Nasor ,Abdalla Bakhit and Baballa Mabruk were driven out of Kibra.
Because the Railway wanted to   compensate them a fixed amount without making any inquiry  and without hearing them or their witnesses  as required by the Indian Land Acquisition Act  they refused to accept any compensation or to move into new Railway huts .

Through S.R Kapila and Kapila lawyers the Nubians  protested strongly and threatened to take the Railway to the Supreme Court if it didnt agree to their demands of holding an inquiry to grant them proper compensation. 
According to them they deserved to get the following sums of money as compensation:
Musa Saghaer  Shs 10,050.75,Mohamed Abduges Shs 9,575.00,Mohamed Marjan Shs 15,000 ,Dafalla Mustafa Shs 15,000, Weleseme Abdul Faraj Shs 11,200, Babala Mabruk Shs 4,000  ,Abdulrahman Rizgalla Shs 9,736, Suleiman Ahmed Shs 30,000, Hawa Bint Mwana (widow) Shs 5,000, Abdalla Bakhit Shs 4,452, Suleman Nasor Shs 11,850, Juma Suleman Nasor Shs 5,000, Hamisa Bint Abdurahman Shs 600 and Ghasim Saghair Shs 9,350.
The Nubians since 1912 have lived ,and are still up to now living in Kibra.

Former President Kenyatta Burrial preparations.

When Mzee Jomo Kenyatta died in 1978 his body was immediately put in a locally made coffin packed with dry ice.
To minimise the risk of the dry ice touching his exposed skin ,he was covered in a foil.
This was to buy time and preserve it as the Government awaited the arrival from London of a specially made casket and an embalmer who had been firmly instructed to take the first flight to Nairobi.
These funeral plans started way back in 1968 after Mzee suffered a heart attack .Although he recovered and continued to discharge his duties as president,a close knit group of government officials comprised of McKenzie, Njonjo , Moi , Mungai and Colonel Anderson the Chief of Staff at Defence Headquaters Nairobi, still went ahead with plans for his future funeral.
Both the casket and the depositum plate were made in advance when Mzee was still alive and hidden in London.
A firm which was contracted to design the depositum plate had been instructed to partially engrave it and leave out date of death which was to be added on the day of the president’s death.
It was also agreed that a protective vault be inserted in his grave to protect the casket from rain seepage ,termites and other underground conditions and also for future display after burial

The funeral director in London was given the option of choosing between an American vault similar to the one used in John F Kennedy’s burial or a fiberglass vault used in European countries.
After the selection and purchase of a suitable vault ,it was to be packed in a crate disguised as spare parts by being marked “M.T SPARES ” and then sent to Kenya Army barracks Kahawa where it would be kept until Mzee’s death.
Mzee eventually died in August 1978 ,the Queen was represented by prince Charles while America sent its first biggest delegation to Africa for the funeral.

A friendly Push for Justice.

A photo of youths ridding on a captured Police Track.

I am a believer in active non violence. But I am tempted to share some interesting stories about the violent clash between youth and police in my city.
The youth in my city – Kisumu Dala – have a unique love-hate relations with the police during crises. 
Nowhere else in this country have I heard of crowds armed  only with slings and stones sending anti-riot police – heavily armed with AK47, G3, machine guns, water canons, horses and teargas fleeing. But it happens in Kisumu.
Then there are reports that after hours of running battles with the youth, the head of police operations would step out and ask for the youth’s operations leader who would also step out; and the two would negotiate an hour or two of ceasefire to enable the police rest, take some water and grab a snack, before the battles resume. 
The youth would concentrate on the battle on the front lines. When they catch criminals taking advantage of the situation to loot, they’d arrest the criminals and hand them over to the same police that the are battling in the street. 
At the end of the day, the police – especially the ones ferried into town from elsewhere would be invited by the youth for busaa drink at ‘Onga city, during which they’d laugh and hug, and promise each other the mother of all battles the following day.
Once in a while the police breach protocal by sneaking into no-go zones to catch the youth unaware in the night and beat up people in their houses. The youth would challenge them for a real battle in broad daylight saying, “chuo romo e pap”(men meet in the field). This means that the youth would be ready for a battle the following day at the identified field or street.
These youth troops are well organized with several formations that are deployed as designed. They can therefore fight the whole day with different formations coming to the frontline to replace the tired ones. 
If police decide to demobilize without consulting them, the youth would go to the police station’s gate and start shouting demanding that the police should stop being cowards and come out for battle, claiming that they are bored. They’d bully police until a battalion is released to go and battle them.
This can only happen in Kisumu.

Impressive Voter Turnout in Kenya as Election Comes to a near Conclusion.

It was notice that Kenyans came out in large today to exercise their democratic rights to vote, which means we are maturing as a country. Early this morning at 10 am their were some delays in other parts of the country at some polling stations as the IEBC chairman explains that it will be compensated at the closing time; that is, 5pm this evening. It was also noticed that their were other challenges where Ezra Chilobra addressed some;

  Some issues in Changamwe where the polling clerks were issuing extra ballots to the people where we heard Ezra Chiloba exclaiming that their efforts are to ensure every legible voter who shows up to vote today will be given that opportunity to vote. He also added that if the delays in terms of opening the polling stations, they will be able to compensate with additional time equivalent to what they had lost as he also explained the reasons why some polling stations had a delay;

      Is that last night some of the officers were not able to put their art together at that time and when they got to the polling station their callings had already started and their was a bit of confusion. As Chiloba says that they were able to mark that and specific polling stations have been addressed.

    He also pointed out the far flanged areas like Baringo, Loima in Turkana which were facing challenges because of heavy rains and floods, which also created some challenges to carry their materials those places. He also assured them that once the materials have arrived they will be given time to vote.

  

Ezra Chiloba, CEO also said that they and the chairman Chebukati, and his IEBC team will be very strict with clerks and officers that would interfere with the process; and there is no officer that has been mentioned for having misbehaved that action has not been taken from them.

NETWORK ISSUES;

At every given point in an hour all the kits will be able to send details to the central data base; and if you look at the number of kits that are active at the moment. The IEBC CEO, Ezra Chiloba that only a few of the kits were able to send the details due to the network issues and they are working on them and they will be able to update the country in terms of the turn out trends.

We will be receiving results as they come from the polling stations as Chiloba says that by 6 o’clock we will be getting results that is the dashboard changing, the numbers coming in.

TAG OF WAR CONTINUES WITHIN IEBC AS COMMISSIONERS STRIPS CHILOBA OF POWERS TO ORDER DIRECTIVES TO POs & ROs

TAG OF WAR CONTINUES WITHIN IEBC AS COMMISSIONERS STRIPS CHILOBA OF POWERS TO ORDER DIRECTIVES TO POs & ROs
Yesterday after Musalia’s Statement that exposed several ill motives around the IEBC CEO, the Commissioners summoned Chiloba and Head of Security for IEBC to explain what Musalia was talking about.
The Head of Security owned up to Commissioners that what Mudavadi read was the truth and the plotting came from Chiloba and Winnie Guchu who is insisting on having personal contacts of all 40,800 Presiding Officers. The Commissioners were outraged and decided that key functions must be approved by the Commissioners.
Commissioners in plenary passed that all Ballot papers are to be stamped. Chiloba mischievously under the instruction of William Ruto (who appointed him) says ballots don’t have to be stamped. Commissioners yesterday held a meeting until 11 pm to blast him and forced him to retract his statement.
Chiloba’s blanket statement on 11k polling stations being denied by Safaricom. The real scandal is the allocation of regions to Service Providers, suspiciously, Safaricom which has far stronger coverage countrywide was denied areas where their coverage is stronger and instead, Airtel and Orange with poorest network strength allocated, this looks like a bait for premeditated failure. But the whole network discussion is a non-issue, the KIEMS lots come with 2 Sim cards such that if one is weaker in the signal, the backup network picks and if those fail then the satellite phones automatically picks and transmits the results. That’s the contingency measure. There’s no excuse.
NASA today to issue a statement to agents and candidates and the public NOT AND NEVER to allow the Presiding Officer to leave the polling station to transmit the results under whatever condition. For two reasons;
1. The transmission kit only transmits once! So if the PO does any mischief it’s over.
2. At no one point should the PO be allowed to be in sole possession of the results.
Winnie Guchu is at it again. Chiloba has instructed some IEBC Presiding Officers to report turnout every 3 hours to Jubilee Hq. This is to enable some of the Presiding Officers to be turned into Uhuru agents to enable Jubilee Hq to instruct some Presiding Officers to delay transmission of results to enable Jubilee to see how results are trending and top up or tamper to balance. This is also to instruct some specific POs to extend voting time past 6 pm to enable Jubilee study trends from opposition zones and see how to intervene. This is according to NASA leaks.
The GOOD Thing is that Commissioners and many well trained Presiding Officers are resistant this new channel of reporting to Winnie Guchu (who is responsible for rigging 2013 and also the Zambian Election where she was a consultant donated by Jubilee to the ruling party. Remember Zambia also used Al Ghurair)
It’s coming out that Chiloba is hell bent to sabotage the election and the revolt from IEBC commissioners and POs is an affirmation. Presiding Officers must only report to IEBC through stipulated channel and not directly to Guchu as if the office is a household. The move by NASA insisting on POs not to leave the station is in good faith as any movement with voting material remains a recipe for disaster. Officials risks attacks, results in risks manipulation. IEBC and Chilova must know Kenyans hold hopes in them to deliver nothing short of a credible election.

​OPEN LETTER TO ALL KENYANS

All Kenyans of goodwill  and NASA supporters. From Raila Amollo Odinga

Dear All,
Though the NASA Principals are committed to reaching every corner of this nation, and engaging every citizen of kenya to spread the message of change and securing the future of our nation, this may not be physical possible.
As agents of NASA, we ask you that you Join us in spreading the gospel of NASA by reaching out to as many people as you can. Your network is much more wide than us, and if we put them all together, we will bring the change that this country desperately needs.
Arm yourself with the truth, ready to dismantle the lies of Jubilee. With a calm and gentle spirit, be willing and ready to offer the reasons why you support NASA.
Some people will welcome you, others will not. Don’t take it personally.
NASA seeks to do the following:
-Create jobs and employment opportunities for Kenyans.
-Grow the economy and lower the cost of living for Kenyans.
-Free Secondary education for Kenyans.
-Lower University fees and increase HELB allocation.
– Expansion of the health care by building and equipping health dispensaries, paying doctors and nurses.

– Build houses for our policemen and other members of the security organization.
-Build schools, provide desks, furniture, books and pay teachers.
-Invest in youth training and acquisition of technical skills such as welding, carpentry, masonry, etc.
-Invest in Agriculture to improve food production and pay higher prices for farm produce so farmers can make profits from farming.
-Ensure equal distribution of national resources and development.
-Open our rural communities by building and tarmacking feeder roads so that farmers can transport their produce on time and easily.
-Set up the a cushion fund that will be used to provide emergency assistance to the vulnerable among us.
-Form a united and inclusive government where all Kenyans will participate in it’s progress.
-Slum upgrade project that Kibaki, Raila, and Kalonzo begun, but Jubilee stopped because they din’t want Raila getting credit for it, will be revived.
The future of this country and it’s destiny is in your hands. Help us in spreading the NASA agenda to every living soul you can reach.
NASA is strong because we have you the people. No army can stop a people united for a course. Truth will triumph over lies and propaganda; love will overcome hate and tribalism; and NASA will win over Jubilee.
Thank you!
RAILA AMOLO ODINGA

Presidential Candidate

NATIONAL SUPER ALLIANCE(NASA)

Kenya Police force Disquiet.

 From Kenyan Police Officers to the NASA fraternity through Bloggers and online Users:

Imminent Disquiet among forces fast revealing, this is  a what they had to say. DearA bloggers pass our regards to the mighty NASA fraternity and our incoming President HE Raila Amollo Odinga the 5th President of our independent Republic.

• As police officers we remain the most oppressed and undermined civil servants in Kenya but because of passion we have for the defense of Nation and your security we cannot come out like Nurses, Doctors, teachers, university staff etc to express our displeasure against Uhuru’s imperial dictatorial regime. We will continue remaining committed in securing our people as they wrestle Jubilee out of power.

Be assured of our support and protection.Before the demise of Gen Nkaissery:

1) We were given Kshs 14 B, which was supposed to be 37% top up of our basic salaries.

The money as per our sources was released from the treasury the very day Nkaissery died.

Meaning he signed recovered the money before he died.

2) A week after he was buried police officers received 2.8B out of the 14B meant for our salary increment.

3) To add pain on the wound the 2.8B is deductible.

4) We’re well informed that the Jubilee administration is using our money for campaigns despite the fact that we’re the most oppressed civil servants in Kenya.

5) Meanwhile remember that Kenyan police officers continue living in one of the worst houses in the world. that don’t value privacy, family and our health. Jubilee treats us like animals.

• Our plea to NASA supporters:

• In an unlikely event that that IEBC refuse to declare The NASA victory:

1) When we all get to the streets don’t throw stones to us (the police).

Our business in the streets will be to safeguard you against any biased armed officer.

2) We will not use our teargas canisters against you, we will not beat you, we will not shoot you.

3) Don’t vandalize properties, don’t burn tyres and don’t close roads.

4) Don’t kill your neighbor because of tribe or political affiliation.

Note: our mission in the streets will be to safeguard you and strengthen your course of sending Jubilee out of power.

• We will come with all sorts of weaponry like

the Egyptian military during the Arabic uprising

but we will never use them against you civilians.

• But for now turn out and vote, vote for our liberty, vote for your freedom, vote for liberation,vote NASA.

• NB: Kindly don’t fear posting this because nobody else can post it and if it’s not posted for Kenyans to read they might continue thinking that we’re behind Mr Kenyatta.

Rigging plan in Kisiis by Jubilee party.

Chris Obure of Jubilee Party in a clandestine night meeting at Marsh-park hotel with IEBC officers

On Friday 4th from 10:00pm Marsh Park Hotel was host to Kisii county election officials and Jubilee Candidates

Our sources revealed the following:

1) An order was given to the hotel staff not to book-in any guests at night.

2) At around 9:30 all visitors going in for drinks were sent away by plain cloth police officers who barricaded as watchmen.

3) At around 9:45 pm the Hotel’s night staff were sent away.

4) At around 10:15pm Chris Obure arrived in a probox KBF 562C straight to the hall directly ahead of the Hotel’s parking. 10 minutes later Manoti came out of the same car.

5) At around 10:40pm 17 men carrying guns arrived in plain cloth and dispatched to every corner of the hotel. At strategic points.

6) At 10:55pm Kisii County Commissioner arrived in his official car with 3 other people.

Video of Voting malpractices.

7) A moment later 6 other people arrived and were escorted to the by one of the Armed men. Sources say the 6 people were some of the Returning officers from some Constituencies and 1 deputy county returning officer.

8) 20 minutes later some 3 armed men from the left side of the parking went straight to the County Commissioner’s car picked 3 boxes to the hall.

9) All the Hotel security lights were switched off and no movement was seen.

10) At 2:30am 10 more vehicles came in with bodyguards and the guests from the hall jumped in as they drove out of the hotel.

11) At 3:00 am security lights were switched on and the place was vacant and silent.

The meeting between Kisiis’ Jubilee politicians, the County Commissioner and some IEBC officials was convinced as per inside sources to:

1) Acclimatise themselves with the marked ballots papers.

2) Agree on how they will receive marked booklets and how to fill them to boxes.

3) They further agreed in some Constituencies like Bobasi, Bomachoge Borabu, and Kitutu Chache North to give out ballot paper booklets for Parliamentary candidates to some identified voters to mark and return them at 6:30pm

That police officers in those particular station will be directed to take charge in ensuring that agents don’t raise a red flag or notice.

The meeting was purposely convened for rigging the Gubernatorial and Senatorial elections. The 3 constituencies came as an AOB after candidates from the respective constituencies pleaded for a boost. 

The Great Wall

This a story of the ancient Chinese who believed in a wall to separate them from their perceived enemies,when the ancient Chinese decided to live in peace, they made the great wall of China.

They thought no one could climb it due to its height.

During the first 100 years of its existence, the Chinese were invaded thrice. And every time,the hordes of enemy infantry had no need of penetrating or climbing over the wall…why?

“Because each time they bribed the guards and came through the doors” The Chinese built the wall but forgot the character-building of the wall-guards.

Therefore, the building of human character comes BEFORE building of anything else.. DEMOCRACY, PEACE.That is what our Politicians need today.Like one Orientalist said: If you want to destroy the civilization of a nation there are three ways:

1. Destroy family structure.

2. Destroy education.

3. Lower their role models and

references.

In order to destroy the

family: undermine the role of Mother, so that she feels ashamed of being a housewife.

2. To destroy education: you should give no importance to Teacher, and lower his place in society so that the students despise him.

3. To lower the role models:

you should undermine the honest and high character,doubt them until no one listens to them or follows them. The corrupt will automatically become the role models. For when a conscious mother disappears, a dedicated teacher disappears and there’s a downfall of role models,

WHO will teach the youngsters

VALUES? Great inspiration to our Society’s integrity building. How do we rank on this virtue as a country? It appears we are failing on all above aspects. Why do I say so, in European countries they are not banning plastic bags they are encouraging more manufacturing of plastic bags.Consequenrly investing in the same plastic and garbage collection in a professional way above all the citizens are so decipline and throws even food remains on road tracks, footpaths. We should learn to be self decipline above all be patriots of our nation in every situation.

Agenda for Sustainable Development

Kasipul Constituency at a glance.

Kasipul Constituency is an electoral constituency in Kenya. It is one of the constituencies in Homabay County.

Kasipul Constituency Details:

Constituency Number: 245

Constituency Name: Kasipul

Constituency Population: 113,117

Constituency Area In Sq. Km (Approx.): 259.00

County Assembly Wards in Kasipul Constituency:

West Kasipul Ward

1. Ward No.: 1221
2. Ward Population (Approx.): 25,807
3. Ward Area In Sq. Km (Approx.): 84.50
4. Ward Description: Comprises Kadel Kamidigo, Kodera Kamiyawa, Kotieno Kochich, kotieno Konuong’a and Kadel Karabach sub–Locations of  Homabay County

South Kasipul Ward

1. Ward No.: 1222
2. Ward Population (Approx.): 25,691
3. Ward Area In Sq. Km (Approx.): 39.10
4. Ward Description: Comprises Kanyango, Kasimba, Kawino and Kokal Sub–Locations of Homabay County

Central Kasipul Ward

1. Ward No.: 1223
2. Ward Population (Approx.):  26,016
3. Ward Area In Sq. Km (Approx.): 68.80
4. Ward Description: Comprises Kawere East, Kawere West, North Kachien, Nyalenda and South Kachien sub–Location of Homabay County

East Kamagak Ward

1. Ward No.: 1224
2. Ward Population (Approx.): 14,588
3. Ward Area In Sq. Km (Approx.): 40.40
4. Ward Description: Comprises Kachieng’ and Sino Kagola Sub–Locations of  Homabay County

West Kamagak Ward

1. Ward No.: 1225
2. Ward Population (Approx.): 21,015
3. Ward Area In Sq. Km (Approx.): 27.10
4. Ward Description: Comprises Kamuma and Obisa Sub–Locations of  Homabay County

My rural development strategy.

Policies on aspects of rural development are being drawn up by different departments of government. These will not be repeated here. Instead, this paper describes the instruments for more efficient, speedy and accountable rural development, where priorities have been set by rural people. Rural development is a provincial competence in the transitional Constitution. However, there are strong economic and ethical arguments for a major investment programme in infrastructure and social services in rural areas. Rural development is, therefore, one of the main objectives of the Campaign , for it is a major plank in the attack on poverty. Successful rural development will be the outcome of the joint actions of rural people, their local governments and many provincial and national agencies. This document will therefore will be about how rural communities can access and use resources, including government funds and those that can be leveraged by government funds. To do this well, under my leadership as MP of KASIPUL rural people will have good information, increased capacity to evaluate, and access to planning, implementation and monitoring support. To support these efforts, rural people have a right to demand assistance from their government. We set out to clarify the role of government, what assistance exists, and how it can be obtained by people in rural areas. There is a general lack of clarity on these issues, but there is also a diversity of opinion that is healthy. This document sets out a framework for implementing rural development and describes the rules for accessing state support. The Goals of Rural Development Rural development is everybody’s business in rural areas. This captures the multi-sectoral nature of the enterprise and the notion that rural development is the business of rural people, that they should set the agenda, the priorities and the methods to achieve them. If structures are set up that allow that, and allow the state to support rural people’s initiatives, we will avoid the pitfall that rural development is nobody’s business. My view on Goals of rural development Some major goals of rural development can then be defined as: -Helping rural people set the priorities for development in their communities, and supporting their access to government non-government funding in promoting local economic development; -Creating greater equality in resource use in the rural areas, especially -land, through better security of tenure, restitution and reform programmes, and farmer support to all producers -water, through extension of services, extension of rights, and charges in the Water Act -financial services, for production inputs, infrastructure development, and access to land, through extension of services, and through appropriate policy development following the report of the Commission of Inquiry into the Provision of Rural Financial Services -management, through training and capacity building. – Increasing access to services through the provision of physical infrastructure and social services such as water and sanitation, transport, health services, and schooling; – Increasing farm and non-farm production in poor rural areas, and increasing the incomes of poor rural men and women; -Improving the spatial economy of rural Kasipul, including through coordination and co-operation with the bordering constituencies in the region; -Ensuring the safety and security of rural people. Strategies for Rural Development Besides the specific strategies proposed by various government agencies, such as land reform, farmer support, development and job creation schemes, the following rural development strategies will be part of my effort to better my Peoples lives: – We will create the structures of local government and local coordination that will allow rural people to set the local development agenda, influence development in the Constituency, influence the infrastructure investment programme and maintain the assets created, and access and control service delivery. -We will use the county and National government’s commitment to rural infrastructure development and the improvement of rural services to spur to developing local government through national and County Government’ insistence on involving communities in planning and managing projects and their budgets, and maintaining the assets created. -We will use the capacity building programmes that are available through various government departments to assist local government and community organizations in the development process. -We will create access to information for planning and implementing development projects and programmes at local level. This will allow communities to set priorities, measure progress and ensure that they meet the requirements of government programming. – We will appoint Community Development facilitator with skills in mediation, participation, facilitation, project management, bookkeeping, and in gender issues to be employed by county councils. They will be responsible for carrying out the state’s commitment to local level facilitation and meditation, and to bringing the concerns of the poorest, less organized groups in the community on to the policy agenda. -We will ensure fair and equitable access to social welfare, especially for those who have rights to pensions. A long-term vision By the year 2030 in the Kasipul Constituency, we would like to see: Freedom from poverty Full and productive employment that enriches the lives of rural people. A more diverse agriculture, with farms of many sizes providing incomes (or part incomes) to many more people. More diverse commercial and service sectors in country towns and the countryside, and greater integration between towns and the rural areas, especially on market days. Much greater access by rural people to government support and information, and to commercial services, with a more logical spacial network of towns, services, roads and transport systems. Close availability to water and sanitation and to fuel sources, giving everyone more time and more health for economic productivity. Local government structures to which everyone has easy access, and within which women play an equal and active role. Close links of local government with organs of civil society and business through which are expressed the needs and priorities of different groups of rural people. Dignity, safety, and security of access for all, including women, to useful employment, housing, and land, with people able to exercise control over their society, community and personal lives, and to plan for the future. Fewer, healthier, safe, well-nourished children, with access to well-resourced schools. A healthy and productive environment capable of sustaining the biological components upon which the many agricultural, social and cultural activities depend.

KASIPUL CONSTITUENCY POVERTY REDUCTION STRATEGY 2022

By Implementing Kasipul Constituency appropriate social protection systems and measures for all, by 2030 we can achieve substantially improved coverage of the poor and the vulnerable .By 2030, i will ensure that all men and women, in particular the poor and the vulnerable, have equal rights to economic resources, as well as access to basic services, ownership and control over land and other forms of property, inheritance, natural resources, appropriate new technology and financial services, including microfinance.

By 2030, we will ensure sustainable food production systems and implement resilient agricultural practices that increase productivity and production, that help maintain ecosystems, that strengthen capacity for adaptation to climate change, extreme weather, drought, flooding,soil erotion and other disasters and that progressively improve land and soil quality

By 2030,As part of improved Agricultural practices we will maintain the genetic diversity of seeds, cultivated plants and farmed and domesticated animals and their related wild species, including through soundly managed and diversified seed and plant banks at the constituency,village levels, and promote access to and fair and equitable sharing of benefits arising from the utilization of genetic resources and associated traditional knowledge.

Increase investment, including through enhanced international cooperation, in rural infrastructure, agricultural research and extension services, technology development and plant and livestock gene banks in order to enhance agricultural productive capacity in the Constituency.

Adopt measures to ensure the proper functioning of food commodity markets and their derivatives and facilitate timely access to market information, including on food reserves, in order to help limit extreme food price volatility

Health-Promote well-being for all at all ages.

 I see it as a duty to reduce the Constituency maternal mortality ratio to less than 70 per 10,000 live births.

My leadership will end preventable deaths of newborns and children under 5 years of age, with all Consituencies aiming to reduce neonatal mortality to at least as low as 12 per 1,000 live births and under-5 mortality to at least as low as 25 per 1,000 live births as well as end the epidemics of AIDS, tuberculosis, malaria and neglected tropical diseases and combat hepatitis, water-borne diseases and other communicable diseases.Under my leadership we will reduce by one third premature mortality from non-communicable diseases through prevention and treatment and promote mental health and well-being 

Strengthen the prevention and treatment of substance abuse, including narcotic drug abuse and harmful use of illicit alcohol.

I will ensure universal access to sexual and reproductive health-care services, including for family planning where nessesary, information and education, and the integration of reproductive health into Constituency strategies and programmes
Achieve universal health coverage, including financial risk protection, access to quality essential health-care services and access to safe, effective, quality and affordable essential medicines and vaccines for all by building helth cares and bringing helth care services close to the communuties.

Substantially increase health financing and the recruitment, development, training and retention of the health workforce within the Consituency, especially in least to each Wards within the constituency.

Ensure inclusive and equitable quality education and promote lifelong learning opportunities for all.

My leadership in coodination with the National and County Goverment will ensure that all girls and boys complete free,equitable and quality primary and secondary education leading to relevant and effective learning outcomes.

We will ensure that all girls and boys have access to quality early childhood development, care and pre-primary education so that they are ready for primary education.

I will ensure equal access for all women and men to affordable and quality technical, vocational and tertiary education, including university. By building a University within the Constituency to arrive at achieving this dream i hold dear in my heart.

In line with the National goverment vision 2030 we will substantially increase the number of youth and adults who have relevant skills, including technical and vocational skills, for employment, decent jobs and entrepreneurship and eliminate gender disparities in education and ensure equal access to all levels of education and vocational training for the vulnerable, including persons with disabilities, indigenous peoples and children in vulnerable situations bisides ensure that all youth and a substantial proportion of adults, both men and women, achieve literacy and numeracy.

We will ensure that all learners acquire the knowledge and skills needed to promote sustainable development, including, among others, through education for sustainable development and sustainable lifestyles, human rights, gender equality, promotion of a culture of peace and non-violence, global citizenship and appreciation of cultural diversity and of culture’s contribution to sustainable development.

Build and upgrade education facilities that are child, disability and gender sensitive and provide safe, non-violent, inclusive and effective learning environments for all.
I will substantially expand  the number of scholarships available to exerllent performing school children, in particular least fortunate families, also encourage  for enrolment in higher education, including vocational training and information and communications technology, technical, engineering and scientific programmes.Also negotiate for substantially increase the supply of qualified teachers.

 Achieve gender equality, women and girls empowerment.

 Eliminate all forms of violence against all women and girls in the public and private spheres, including trafficking and sexual and other types of exploitation.Eliminate all harmful practices, such as child, early and forced marriage and female genital mutilation.

Recognize and value unpaid care and domestic work through the provision of public services, infrastructure and social protection policies and the promotion of shared responsibility within the household and the family as nationally appropriate.

 Ensure women’s full and effective participation and equal opportunities for leadership at all levels of decision-making in political, economic and public life
Ensure universal access to sexual and reproductive health and reproductive rights as agreed in accordance with the new Constitution.

Undertake reforms to give women equal rights to economic resources, as well as access to ownership and control over land and other forms of property, financial services, inheritance and natural resources, in accordance with national laws and Constitution.
Enhance the use of enabling technology, in particular information and communications technology, to promote the empowerment of women.

Adopt and strengthen sound policies and enforceable legislation for the promotion of gender equality and the empowerment of all women and girls at all levels

 Ensure availability and sustainable management of water.

 By 2030, achieve universal and equitable access to safe and affordable drinking water for all. 

My leadership will ensure i  achieve access to adequate and equitable sanitation and hygiene for all and end open defecation, paying special attention to the needs of women and girls and those in vulnerable situations.

My priorities will be to, improve water quality by reducing pollution, eliminating dumping and minimizing release of hazardous chemicals and materials, halving the proportion of untreated wastewater and substantially increasing recycling and safe reuse within our communities.

We will substantially increase water-use efficiency across all across the Constituency and ensure sustainable withdrawals and supply of freshwater to address water scarcity and substantially reduce the number of people suffering from water scarcity.

I will implement integrated water resources management at all levels, including through transboundary cooperation as appropriate
By 2020, protect and restore water-related ecosystems, including, forests, wetlands, rivers and aquifers

 I will expand rnational cooperation and capacity-building support to developing counties in water- and sanitation-related activities and programmes, including water harvesting, desalination, water efficiency, wastewater treatment, recycling and reuse technologies 

Support and strengthen the participation of local communities in improving water and sanitation management.Promote sustained, inclusive and sustainable economic growth, full and productive employment and decent work for all.

Promote development-oriented policies that support productive activities, decent job creation, entrepreneurship, creativity and innovation, and encourage the formalization and growth of micro-, small- and medium-sized enterprises, including through access to financial services.

 Improve progressively, through Vision 2030 of the National Goverment resource efficiency in consumption and production and endeavour to decouple economic growth from environmental degradation, in accordance with the 10-year framework of programmes on sustainable consumption and production, with the County Goverment and National Goverment taking the lead.

 We will achieve full and productive employment and decent work for all women and men, including for young people and persons with disabilities, and equal pay for work of equal value, substantially reduce the proportion of youth not in employment, education or training.

Protect labour rights and promote safe and secure working environments for all workers.
Strengthen the capacity of domestic financial institutions to encourage and expand access to banking, insurance and financial services for all.

Develop quality, reliable, sustainable and resilient infrastructure, including regional and transborder infrastructure, to support economic development and human well-being, with a focus on affordable and equitable access for all.

Increase the access of small-scale industrial and other enterprises, in particular in the Consituency and at the County level, to financial services, including affordable credit, and their integration into value chains and markets.

 Significantly increase access to information and communications technology and strive to provide universal and affordable access to the Internet.

 Take urgent action to combat climate change and its impacts.

 Improve education, awareness-raising and human and institutional capacity on climate change mitigation, adaptation, impact reduction and early warning 

Promote mechanisms for raising capacity for effective climate change-related planning and management in least .
Conserve and sustainably use the oceans, seas and marine resources for sustainable development

 At the County level we will work hand in hand with the Governor to prevent and significantly reduce marine pollution of all kinds, in particular from land-based activities, including marine debris and nutrient pollution

Together we shall sustainably manage and protect marine fresh water ecosystems in Lke Victoria to avoid significant adverse impacts, including by strengthening their resilience, and take action for their restoration in order to achieve healthy and productive Lake.

 We will effectively regulate harvesting and end overfishing, illegal, unreported and unregulated fishing and destructive fishing practices and implement science-based management plans, in order to restore fish stocks in the shortest time feasible, at least to levels that can produce maximum sustainable yield as determined by their biological characteristics without affecting the people depending on Fishing as their source of their livelyhood.

 Prohibit certain forms of fisheries subsidies which contribute to overcapacity and overfishing, eliminate subsidies that contribute to illegal, unreported and unregulated fishing and refrain from introducing new such subsidies, recognizing that appropriate and effective special and differential treatment.

Increase scientific knowledge, develop research capacity and transfer marine technology, taking into account the Intergovernmental Oceanographic Commission Criteria and Guidelines on the Transfer of Marine Technology, in order to improve Lake health and to enhance the contribution of marine biodiversity to the development of our Communities.
Protect, restore and promote sustainable use of terrestrial ecosystems, sustainably manage forests, combat desertification, and halt and reverse land degradation and halt biodiversity loss.

I will ensure the conservation, restoration and sustainable use of terrestrial and inland freshwater ecosystems and their services, in particular forests, wetlands, mountains and drylands, in line with obligations under international agreements.

I will promote the implementation of sustainable management of all types of forests, halt deforestation, restore degraded forests and substantially increase afforestation and reforestation globally.We will work hand in hand with our neighbouring Consituencies and Counties tocombat desertification, restore degraded land and soil, including land affected by desertification, drought and floods, and strive to achieve a land degradation-neutral County.

I will work hard to  ensure the conservation of mountain ecosystems, including their biodiversity, in order to enhance their capacity to provide benefits that are essential for sustainable development
Promote fair and equitable sharing of the benefits arising from the utilization of genetic resources and promote appropriate access to such resources.

 

My Rural Development Strategy

My  Rural Development Strategy

 Policies on aspects of rural development are being drawn up by different departments of government. These will not be repeated here. Instead, this paper describes the instruments for more efficient, speedy and accountable rural development, where priorities have been set by rural people.
Rural development is a provincial competence in the transitional Constitution. However, there are strong economic and ethical arguments for a major investment programme in infrastructure and social services in rural areas. Rural development is, therefore, one of the main objectives of the CAMPAIN , for it is a major plank in the attack on poverty. Successful rural development will be the outcome of the joint actions of rural people, their local governments and many provincial and national agencies. This document will therefore will be about how rural communities can access and use resources, including government funds and those that can be leveraged by government funds.
To do this well, under my leadership as MP of KASIPUL rural people will have good information, increased capacity to evaluate, and access to planning, implementation and monitoring support. To support these efforts, rural people have a right to demand assistance from their government. We set out to clarify the role of government, what assistance exists, and how it can be obtained by people in rural areas. There is a general lack of clarity on these issues, but there is also a diversity of opinion that is healthy. This document sets out a framework for implementing rural development and describes the rules for accessing state support.

The Goals of Rural Development

Rural development is everybody’s business in rural areas. This captures the multi-sectoral nature of the enterprise and the notion that rural development is the business of rural people, that they should set the agenda, the priorities and the methods to achieve them. If structures are set up that allow that, and allow the state to support rural people’s initiatives, we will avoid the pitfall that rural development is nobody’s business.
My view on Goals of rural development
Some major goals of rural development can then be defined as:
⦁ Helping rural people set the priorities for development in their communities, and supporting their access to government non-government funding in promoting local economic development;
⦁ Creating greater equality in resource use in the rural areas, especially
⦁ land, through better security of tenure, restitution and reform programmes, and farmer support to all producers
⦁ water, through extension of services, extension of rights, and charges in the Water Act
⦁ financial services, for production inputs, infrastructure development, and access to land, through extension of services, and through appropriate policy development following the report of the Commission of Inquiry into the Provision of Rural Financial Services
⦁ management, through training and capacity building.
⦁ Increasing access to services through the provision of physical infrastructure and social services such as water and sanitation, transport, health services, and schooling;
⦁ Increasing farm and non-farm production in poor rural areas, and increasing the incomes of poor rural men and women;
⦁ Improving the spatial economy of rural South Africa, including through coordination ans co-operation with the southern African region;
⦁ Ensuring the safety and security of rural people.

Strategies for Rural Development

Besides the specific strategies proposed by various government agencies, such as land reform, farmer support, development and job creation schemes, the following rural development strategies will be part of my effort to better my Peoples lives:
⦁ We will create the structures of local government and local coordination that will allow rural people to set the local development agenda, influence development in the Constituency, influence the infrastructure investment programme and maintain the assets created, and access and control service delivery.
⦁ We will use the goverments commitment to rural infrastructure development and the improvement of rural services as the spur to developing local government through national and County Government’ insistence on involving communities in planning and managing projects and their budgets, and maintaining the assets created.
⦁ We will use the capacity building programmes that are available through various government departments to assist local government and community organizations in the development process.
⦁ We will create access to information for planning and implementing development projects and programmes at local level. This will allow communities to set priorities, measure progress and ensure that they meet the requirements of government programming.
⦁ We will appoint Community Development facilitator with skills in mediation, participation, facilitation, project management, bookkeeping, and in gender issues to be employed by rural councils. They will be responsible for carrying out the state’s commitment to local level facilitation and meditation, and to bringing the concerns of the poorest, less organized groups in the community on to the policy agenda.
⦁ We will ensure fair and equitable access to social welfare, especially for those who have rights to pensions.

A long-term vision

By the year 2030 in the Kasipul Constituency, we would like to see:
⦁ Freedom from poverty
⦁ Full and productive employment that enriches the lives of rural people.
⦁ A more diverse agriculture, with farms of many sizes providing incomes (or part incomes) to many more people.
⦁ More diverse commercial and service sectors in country towns and the countryside, and greater integration between towns and the rural areas, especially on market days.
⦁ Much greater access by rural people to government support and information, and to commercial services, with a more logical spatial network of towns, services, roads and transport systems.
⦁ Close availability to water and sanitation and to fuel sources, giving everyone more time and more health for economic productivity.
⦁ Local government structures to which everyone has easy access, and within which women play an equal and active role.
⦁ Close links of local government with organs of civil society and business through which are expressed the needs and priorities of different groups of rural people.
⦁ Dignity, safety, and security of access for all, including women, to useful employment, housing, and land, with people able to exercise control over their society, community and personal lives, and to plan for the future.
⦁ Fewer, healthier, safe, well-nourished children, with access to well-resourced schools.
⦁ A healthy and productive environment capable of sustaining the biological components upon which the many agricultural, social and cultural activities depend.

Joseph Odak Ponde on the spot in Kasipul Homa bay county read his speech.

After more than 50 years after a former colony won the right to determine its own destiny, the task of perfecting our unity,peace and industrialisation moves forward. It moves forward because of you. It moves forward because you reaffirmed the spirit that has triumphed over war and depression, the spirit that has lifted this country from the depths of despair to the great heights of hope, the belief that while each of us will pursue our own individual dreams, we remain as Kenyan  family and we rise or fall together as one nation and as one people.Today, marks the beginning  election and more to come, you, the Kenyans, reminded us that while our road has been hard, while our journey has been long, we have picked ourselves up, we have fought our way back, and we know in our hearts that for Kenya the best is yet to come. Let’s come and work together for a better Homa bay county,a better Kenya.